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64 THE CANADIAN HISTORICAL HEVIEW with publicfinance, with ArbellaStuart,with the sordiddetailsof the Essex divorce andtheOverbury murder, withRalegh, withBacon', withforeign affairs, withparliament andPrivyCouncil. Thebookalso hasaspects of a biography of KingJames. Mr. Akriggis a disarming authorwith a contagious enthusiasm. He tellsa storyadmirably_. He makes excellent useof literarysources with w•eh he is well acquainted. Asanhistorian, however, hehasfallenintomanyblunders. He does notpause to askimportant questions. How did James's courtcompare with thatof Elizabeth ?What kind of a courthad James had in Scotland? Why did the moral toneof thecourtdecline? Although Mr. Akrigguses a greatvarietyof sources, including some manuscripts, hisapproach to themisuncritical. Scandalmongers like Anthony WeldonandWilliamSanderson, writerssuchasLucyAikinwho are out of dateare givenmorecredence thantheydeserve. The King•s story of theGowriePlotis accepted assubstantially correct; the.account oftheHamptonCourt Conference istaken from Thomas Puller. Mr.Akrigg isnotasgenerous ashe mightbe in acknowledging the usehe hasmadeofbiographies of King The author findsit difficult to makeup hismindaboutsome of thecharacters in hisstory.RobertCecil,Earl of Salisbury, is introduced asa coldmanwho neither loves nor hates, as the "Fox of Hatfield Chase,"who determinesthat Raleigh mustbe ruinedandwhomayhaveinstigated the Gunpowder Plotas a trapfor theCatholics. "A Machiavellian likeCecilwasquitecapable of hitting onsuch a device." It isacknowledged ona laterpagethatCecilwasindustrious, thoughhe is saidto havecravedeminence as compensation for hisphysical defects. The calumny heapeduponhim after his deathmakesMr. Akrigg wonder. "Whatwashe reallylike?Feelings of pity, admiration, anddistrust swirlconfusedly withinone.It is im ossible to givethemana cleanacquittal. P Hecan, n,,ot beproven guilty. Allthat remains istheoldScots verdict of'N• proven. Therearemanysmallerrors of fact;thereareloose andunconvincing interpretations ; therearebanalitiesFrequently , of corse,he [Bacon] hadto have money." Mr. Akrigghaswrittena popular bookwhichisentertaining andoften good reading, buthedoes notaddgreatly to ourknowledge of James's court. DAvm Hmu•us WX•.LSON University of Minnesota The PoliticalCorrespondence of Mr. Gladstone and Lord Granville. I. 18761882 ;II. 1883-1886.Editedby ACATH• I•MM. Oxford: At theClarendon Press[Toronto:OxfordUniversity Press].1962. Pp. xlviii, 482; viii, 509. $25.25. "GOOD ENDS CANRARELY BEATTAINED in politics withoutpassion," Gladstone wroteto Lord Granville at the peakof the excitement stirredby the Belgian atrocities, "andthereis now,the firsttime for a goodmanyyears,a virtuous passion." The endsof Gladstone's foreignpolicywerecertainly virtuous: selfdetermination for smallnational groups and a European community basedon considerations of moralityratherthancalculations of power.No statesman, not evenWoodrow Wilson, hppliedmorepassion to these good ends, yettheresult wasthe triumphof Beaconsfieldism overthe spiritof Midlothian. Attempts to persuade Turkeyto grantreforms andfreedom to herBalkan subjects received azvmws 65 scantco-operation fromthe greatpowers. The magnanimous but ambiguous settlement afterMajubaHill caused theBoers to misiudge theEnglish temper andthuscontributed to futureanguish. Worstof all, Gladstone's desire to administer thefinances ofEgyptin concert withtheother interested nations only served tolandBritain firmly inBismarek's web. TheLiberal partycame topower in 1880ona surge ofvirtuous passion but unfortunately for the goodold Liberalcauses, nationalism andimperialism as well asthehigherruerall stirred theheartsof the newl enfranchised masses di ty y . Ra 'eal demands for sociallegislation and justicefor Iris,htenants werethe immediateconsequence of the extension of the franchise and thesedemands widened the riftsbetween the Liberalfactions. In thisnew atmosphere the partnership between Gladstone andhis graceful andtolerantforeignminister, LordGranville, rafted to work.Forallh•sskfilasa negotiator, Gra7nville could hmetion effectively onlywhen Gladstone stood directly behind him,andalltoo oftenthePrimeMinister diverted hisattention anddissipated histremendous energy in thelabours of budget planning ordoetoring Ireland's chronic ills. This familiaraccountof Liberalism's waningreceives supportin Agatha Ramm's superb editionof theGladstone-Granville correspondence for theyears 1876-86.If scholars findlittle thatis strikingly newin the floodof notesand letters whichpassed between these twooldfriends, theywill emerge with a betterknowledge of howVictorian government functioned andwith a deeper understandin of Gladstone's eom lieated ersonali With Granville, Gladstone p p ty. and many o•er Liberal leaders-even such crusty ones as Lord Grey and Robert Lowe-coulddroptheir guardsand revealtheir doubts.When,for example, "dearoldJohn" Bright resigned fromtheministry onhearing thenews of-the bombardment of Alexandria, Gladstone asked Granville to convey regrets: "It wouldnotbe fairin meto beganinterview," Gladstone wrote."Hiskindness would makehimreluctant to decline: buthewouldcome laden with,anapprehension thatI by impetuosity andtenacity should endcavour to overbear him." Gladstone's attempt to guideBritish fbreign policyalongthe higherpaths wasunsuccessful in the age of Bismarck. But his goodendsdid elevatethe visionof the new electorate and, as AgathaRamm'stwo volumes so clearly show,hisvirtuous passion wascombined with a rare sensitivity. JAMJZS Wn•TEX• University ofBritish Columbia European FeudalSociety. ByMAacBx,ocm Translated fromtheFrench byL. A. MA•¾o•. Foreword by M. M. PosTaz•. London: Routledge...

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