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1 Chapter 1 Introduction: Immigration’s Nuances and Complexities T he destruction of the twin towers of New York’s World Trade Center on September 11, 2001—carried out by persons who were neither citizens nor legal permanent residents—cast into bold relief the importance and contradictions of U.S. immigration policy . Those responsible for the suicide missions were able either to enter the country fraudulently or to remain here illegally after visas for legal entry had expired (Gorman 2001; Jenks 2001). A dramatic slowdown in international travel after the attacks took place, together with an apparent acceleration of a downturn in the U.S. economy that had begun well before the incidents occurred, illustrated that economic vitality in an increasingly interdependent global economy involves substantial flows of tourists, students, temporary workers, and permanent immigrants into the country (Maggs and Baumann 2001). The dilemmas for U.S. immigration policy became crystal clear (Meissner 2001). Should worries that further terrorist attacks might occur tilt admissions policies strongly in favor of restrictionism? Could the United States and other advanced postindustrial countries develop immigration policies that would provide security and facilitate ease of movement at the same time? Could both universalism and particularism be balanced in sensible and effective policies? Since September 11, such immigration-related concerns have taken on unusual intensity and urgency. As important as these have been and as crucial as it is to deal with them, their frequent articulation also serves to remind us that preoccupations with immigration issues are anything but new. Debates about U.S. immigration policy have often commanded center stage among both the members of the general public and policy makers for the past quarter century. For example , during this period two national commissions, the Select Commission on Immigration and Refugee Policy (1981) and the U.S. Commission 2 America’s Newcomers and the Dynamics of Diversity on Immigration Reform (1997), released major reports recommending reforms in immigration law. Also, on three occasions substantial immigration reform legislation has been passed by Congress and signed into law. First, in 1986 Congress passed the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) in an effort to reduce unauthorized migration by legalizing migrants already living and working in the country and adopting employer sanctions in an attempt to make it harder for future migrants to find jobs (Bean, Vernez, and Keely 1989). Second, in 1990 Congress passed the National Immigration Act, which set a cap on annual legal immigration while providing increased numbers of visas for highly skilled workers (Bean and Fix 1992). Third, in 1996 Congress passed welfare reform and immigration legislation in part as an attempt to limit unauthorized migration by tightening access to public benefits for noncitizens (Espenshade, Baraka, and Huber 1997; Van Hook and Bean 1998b). In 1965, with passage of the amendments to the Immigration and Nationality Act, the United States abolished national origin quotas as a basis for granting immigrant visas, and since the mid-1970s legislative initiatives have mostly involved efforts to limit immigration. By the end of August 2001, however, recommendations to increase immigration were being voiced frequently, demonstrating that U.S. immigration policy was on the verge of coming full circle from its previously largely restrictive emphases. For example, on September 5, just before the New York tragedy, President Vicente Fox of Mexico visited President Bush in Washington to publicize and lobby for recommendations on changing U.S. policy regarding Mexican migration (Sullivan and Jordan 2001). These included “regularizing” unauthorized Mexican migrants already in the United States and establishing a new “guest-worker” program for low-skilled laborers from Mexico, ideas motivated largely by the labor shortages stemming from the unusually strong economy of the late 1990s (Meissner 2001; Mexico–U.S. Migration Panel 2001). In short, in early September 2001 it seemed likely that a sharp turnaround in U.S. policy might take place away from the general thrust of a quarter century’s emphasis. However, external events set the policy debates on a new course (Gorman 2002). Such dramatic twists and turns suggest the experience of the United States with the “new” immigration since 1965—the substantial increases in the numbers of persons coming from Asia and Latin America —and with the various issues underlying the policy reforms considered and adopted during the ensuing years warrants careful examination. This book undertakes such an examination. Its purpose is twofold: to conduct a review of social science research relevant to [18.188.152.162] Project MUSE (2024-04-26 02:20...

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