Interest Groups and Political Change in Israel

Chapter 9. Growing Group Consciousness and Government Relations

Chapter 9 zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWV Growing Group Consciousness and Government Relations Upon losing the Ministry of Agriculture in I960, the Ihud searched for other channels. Meeting to decide upon the Ihud's and Gvati's future after Dayan had refused to return Gvati to the ministry or to appoint any other Ihud member as director­general, the Ihud pondered whether it was best to direct its efforts on strengthening the Agricultural Center or on enhancing the Ihud, and concomitantly where best to place Gvati. "Fearful of the Ministry of Agriculture," Gvati argued forcefully for revitalizing the Agricultural Center as a strong front to negotiate with a tightfisted Government.1 He implored the Secretariat to assign him there. Unheeding, the Secretariat chose an unwilling Gvati to head the Ihud, accepting several members' assessments that the Ihud alone could not reinvigorate the Agri­ cultural Center and that agricultural problems would not be solved there. It was believed that first priority should be given to fortifying the Ihud's own political leverage vis­a­vis ministers and governing institutions.2 Since Gvati, the technocrat, was still in good standing with party and Government, selecting him to head the Ihud seemed to serve that priority. Whether the Ihud's skeptical evaluation of the Agricultural Center was a self­fulfilling prophecy is difficult to ascertain, but the Agricultural Center did decline in effectiveness in the early sixties, paralyzed by moshav­kibbutz tension. Increasingly, the Center's party based structure was perceived as irrelevant because "ninety­nine per­ cent of its problems [were] not on the party plane."3 Thus, its structure could not provide a basis for renewal. Several reorganization plans were designed during this decade, but none was implemented. True to his convictions that the Ihud alone could not counter 141 INTEREST GROUPS AND POLITICAL CHANGE 142 moshav influence, Ihud Secretary Gvati soon set out to foster greater cooperation among kibbutz federations. Several meetings of the three kibbutz federations were held to explore economic and social coopera­ tion that would not require political unification of their respective patron parties. Gvati sought to unify certain committees then existing separately in each federation. As of May 1960, Gvati already could report some progress to the Ihud Central Committee, such as forma­ tion of a joint committee that would examine the financial situation, economic matters, planning problems, and land and water issues, as well as a coordinating body for kibbutz members participating in Ministry of Agriculture area planning boards. Steadily expanding areas of cooperation, the kibbutz federations established the "Alliance of the Kibbutz Movements‫״‬ (Brit ha­Tnu‫׳‬ at ha­Kibbutzit, hereafter referred to as the Brit) in December 1963 with Gvati as its first Secretary. Undoubtedly, measures taken by the new Minister of Agriculture spurred increased kibbutz cooperation. Paradoxically, policies pur­ sued by a minister from the group's own party impelled it to act out­ side. Confirming some of the kibbutz sector's worst fears, Dayan, upon becoming Minister of Agriculture, immediately raised one of the most explosive issues in the Middle East­the allotment of water. Dayan sought to change the standard for water ceilings and reallocate already designated amounts from kibbutzim to moshavim. But he met with resistance, and the struggle illustrates the Ihud's developing mix of modes for interest organization and expression. The system for allocating water for agriculture until Dayan's time differed for kibbutzim and moshavim, resulting in what seemed to Dayan as discrimination against moshavim. At their establishment, kibbutzim were assigned an annual amount of water based upon a cer­ tain number of agricultural units regardless of initial population size, and that amount was to suffice for their growth; kibbutzim would not request additional allotments if their membership increased. Mosha­ vim, on the other hand, received an allotment per agricultural unit existing at their founding, and with any population increase were enti­ tied to receive additions. When Dayan became minister, there were kibbutzim that had not yet reached full population capacity but were receiving water based upon potential size, and in comparison with moshavim actually received more water per capita. Dayan sought to reallocate that water according to the existing rather than the potential number of units. He proposed the change in the Kneset. Criticism and cautionary statements immediately emanated from several sources. The Ihud was concerned that Dayan's remarks would incite resent­ 143 zyxwvutsrp Growing Group Consciousness ment among new immigrants (who tended to prefer moshavim) who...