Anthropology at the Front Lines of Gender-Based Violence

7. Child Welfare and Domestic Violence Workers' Cultural Models of Domestic Violence: An Ethnographic Examination

107 7 Child Welfare and Domestic Violence Workers’ Cultural Models of Domestic Violence: An Ethnographic Examination Cyleste C. Collins The Violence against Women Act (VAWA), first passed in the United States in 1994 and reauthorized in 2000 and 2005, and the policy changes that resulted have helped bring public and institutional attention to genderbased violence. An entire network of social services has been created to respond to the issues victims of gender-based violence face. Although most victims of gender-based violence never seek direct assistance relating to their victimization (Brookoff et al. 1997), the possibility that they will encounter frontline workers in the mainstream social service system at some point is high (Bell 2003). These workers, as victims’ first points of contact with mainstream social services, have the potential for helping victims in several ways. Frontline workers, defined here as human service professionals working in child welfare offices or domestic violence offices, can help shape victims’ ideas about domestic violence, whether or not they self-identify as victims (Grauwiler 2008), as well as connecting victims to critical services (Purvin 2007).1 These professionals also have the potential to retraumatize victims and their families further by responding to them by blaming or judging them for their predicaments (Danis and Lockhart 2003; Purvin 2007). A number of studies have found that it is common for frontline workers to hold biases and believe stereotypes about domestic violence (Bograd 1982; Danis and Lockhart 2003; Ross and Glisson 1991). Such biases and stereotypes might be made manifest by workers’ failing to identify victims with whom they come into contact, actively discounting their experiences, 108   Anthropology at the Front Lines of Gender-Based Violence outwardly blaming them, or simply not referring known victims to services that can help them (Eisikovits and Buchbinder 1996; Kok 2001). Some research has suggested that tackling these issues requires identifying workers’ ideas about the causes of and appropriate treatment for domestic violence (e.g., Davis 1984; Davis and Carlson 1981; Henderson 2001; Minsky-Kelly et al. 2005), but the question of workers’ beliefs about domestic violence has become more complex since the passage of the VAWA as the awareness of domestic violence has become more common­ place. Screening programs and trainings in these organizations have increased because different human service areas, especially welfare offices and health care facilities, have been identified as important potential referral sources. Some programs train their frontline workers on the dynamics of domestic violence, the barriers that victims of domestic violence encounter , and available services and teach them how to identify victims and offer appropriate referrals when they come into mainstream social service agencies for help. Despite the implementation of trainings about domestic violence to increase referral rates, studies are still finding that relatively few domestic violence victims make use of available services and programs (Brookoff et al. 1997). Whether victims do not receive referrals to available services through the mainstream social service systems with which they come into contact (Kok 2001, Levin 2001) or whether they choose not to use the available services, the discrepancy between estimates of the numbers of victims who enter the welfare system and those who take part in domestic violence services suggests that victims might not be aware of these services and programs. Some welfare offices have addressed the low referral problem by training staff to screen for domestic violence by placing domestic violence advocates in welfare offices. Once victims are identified, they are referred to these advocates. The practice of incorporating domestic violence advocates in welfare offices is still relatively new, but the success of such programs so far has been limited. For example, research has found that only small numbers of victims tend to be referred to these advocates (Kok 2001), and that while some advocates are seen as being very helpful in navigating the system, others are unclear with victims about the variety of services, forms, and requirements needed to obtain services and do not refer clients to outside programs (Postmus 2004). Several studies have found that even introducing domestic violence advocates into welfare agencies can be problematic. Saunders and colleagues (2005) found that victims can have such poor relationships with their wel- Domestic Violence Workers’ Cultural Models of Domestic Violence   109 fare case managers that they are afraid to reveal their victimization or they may be pessimistic about being believed or helped if they do disclose their abusive situations. Other recent work has suggested...