A Common Humanity: Ritual, Religion, and Immigrant Advocacy in Tucson, Arizona

6. Collective Expression: Dramatizing the Crisis

108 chapter six Collective Expression Dramatizing the Crisis Social movement organizations form with the intent of converting scattered , individual discontent into unified action. But their initiatives are accompanied by seemingly decorative and even superfluous flourishes that are sometimes denigrated as “merely symbolic” or “merely expressive,” since they do not in themselves achieve group objectives. Certainly, any group perceived as limited to logos and slogans acquires a reputation for being “all talk.” Yet if “talk”—and, by extension, communication in any form—is not a sufficient condition for effecting social change, it is nonetheless necessary. The struggle to define and mobilize human sympathies is waged through symbol and imagination, for without a compelling narrative that depicts ideals worth preserving, people will not act. At the same time, creating a coherent, galvanizing narrative can prove difficult, since, as shown in chapter 5, people may be drawn to the same social movement by somewhat different worldviews and analyses. So even as collective expression serves to influence the opinions of outsiders, it also serves the self-reflexive purpose of harmonizing different perspectives among insiders and communicating crucial information about them to themselves (Rappaport 104–106). Successful rituals build solidarity among constituents and also satisfy the constituents’ desires to unify identity and behavior so as to live out their “convictions of the soul.” Far from being “merely” anything, symbolic action is indispensable for group coherence and perpetuation (Jasper; Nepstad). The collective’s rhetorical representations perform, on a larger scale, the same acts of identification and relation that individual members do. Collective Expression • 109 Immigrant advocacy organizations, therefore, endeavor to develop images , words, objects, and kinetics that name the problems to be solved, characterize migrants and themselves in terms of identities and ethical obligations, and in doing so accommodate the different attitudes of their members toward religion, citizenship, and patriotism. The first section of this chapter discusses each group’s rhetorical representations in two categories. The first is continuous representation, which consists of more or less permanent signs that are fixed and generally accessible , such as group names, logos, and mission statements, which appear in numerous venues at any given time. The second is contained representation , which is scheduled, ephemeral (with a start and a finish), and, if done on a recurring basis, malleable. The second section of the chapter examines two characteristic features of the rhetorical representations in each group. One concerns the ways in which the groups reconcile religious and secular perspectives. The other focuses on the groups’ efforts to raise the visibility of migrant issues, particularly through acts of mourning for migrants who have died in the course of their journey. Rhetorical Representations in Humane Borders Continuous Messaging In its mission statement (reprinted in chapter 4), Humane Borders says it is “motivated by faith” and that it “welcome[s] all persons of good faith.” Participants in the group understand the word in more than one way. Allen notes that the term “good faith” is “kind of vague.” He says, The way I see it is that we’re not going to say this is just a Christian group, because obviously other religions find life valuable. I address the issue as a Christian moral issue, definitely, but I think the underlying theme for everybody is that it’s more a fundamental moral issue that they find life valuable. And that’s not rooted just in Christianity or just in religion. He adds, “I see it as instead of saying ‘all people of religion’ or ‘all Christians .’ ‘All people of good faith’ means those who are volunteering for good reasons, as opposed to volunteering, maybe, just to find out where the water stations are and go hunting migrants. That would be bad faith 110 • Chapter 6 [laughs].” Allen’s cohorts share his understanding that the term covered religious and secular beliefs alike. Cynthia says people might have “faith in a higher power” or “faith in doing justice,” and Laura talks about “a faith in the goodness of all people, a faith in knowing that we walk together.” Humane Borders also represents itself through its logo, which depicts the Big Dipper constellation with a white-on-blue rendition of stars connected by lines. A solid triangle in the “cup” and a series of wavy lines emerging from it suggest water flowing over its side. The logo appears on official vehicles, generally accompanies any in-group publications, and adorns merchandise like bumper stickers, caps, and...