Inside Out India and China: Local Politics Go Global

Notes

197 NOTES CHAPTER 1 1. I first used this analogy to explain the scale of China and India—and the reason for our travels to these countries—to my two young daughters. But I also was delighted to see it made by Rob Giffords in his terrific China Road: A Journey Into the Future of a Rising Power (New York: Random House, 2007). The general concept of this book was also greatly influenced by Patrick Chovanec’s “Nine Nations of China” essay in The Atlantic, November 2009. 2. In the United States and Europe, diverse political and social beliefs also cut across member states. That diversity of underlying public values also contributes to gridlock. Western democracies are defined, in part, by their embrace of diverse conceptions of the public good. In fact, that embrace of pluralism as a value helps allow Western democracies to not use force to maintain public order. But pluralism also makes it difficult for Western democracies to work toward common goals. 3. See “India’s Poverty Will Fall from 51% to 22% by 2015: UN Report,” July 8, 2011 (http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011-07-08/developmentalissues /29751472_1_extreme-poverty-india-and-china-report [September 2012]). According to the report, in “China and India combined, the number of people living in extreme poverty between 1990 and 2005 declined by about 455 million, and [an] additional 320 million people are expected to come out [of] poverty by 2015.” Those living on less than $1.25 a day are considered poor. 4. After the end of the cold war, the prevailing theory—at least in the United States—was that liberal democracy should be the cornerstone of world order. As more nations adopt market economies and open political systems, nations will be less likely to go to war with one another—potentially ending the great plague of world history. Hence the controversial title of Francis Fukuyama’s book, The End of History. However, while liberal democracies may have not gone to war with one another, they also have an uninspiring record in collaborating on major world challenges . See Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man (New York: Free Press, 1992). 198 NOTES TO PAGES 10–17 CHAPTER 2 1. Perhaps the most riveting personal account of the creation of the European Union is found in Jean Monnet, Memoirs (New York: Doubleday and Company, 1978). 2. Quentin Skinner, Foundations of Modern Political Theory, 1st ed. (Cambridge University Press, 1978); John Greville Agard Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment, rev. ed. (Princeton University Press, 2003). 3. Edmund Morgan, Inventing the People: The Rise of Popular Sovereignty in England and America (New York: W.W. Norton, 1988); Gordon Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776–1787 (University of North Carolina Press, 1969). 4. This view obviously held in the southern states. But some northerners also felt this to be the case. Stephen Douglas made the most explicit case for state sovereignty in his famous senate debates with Abraham Lincoln. 5. The President’s Rule has become a misnomer, since the central government —under the prime minister—advises the president when to invoke the rule. 6. Tom Lasseter, “Dispute over Village Election Highlights China’s Communist Party Challenge,” McClatchy, October 29, 2012 (www.mcclatchydc. com/2012/10/29/172896/dispute-over-village-election.html). 7. “Election Bid a Tough Ask for China’s Independent Candidates,” CNN, July 25, 2011 (www.cnn.com/2011/WORLD/asiapcf/07/25/china.npc/index.html). 8. Legend has it that Henry Kissinger once asked his National Security Council staff, “Who do I call if I want to call Europe?” Kissinger now denies that he ever asked this, though he does not deny the core message: “It’s a good statement so why not take credit for it?” Vanessa Gera, “Kissinger Says Calling Europe Quote Not Likely His,” Associated Press, June 27, 2012. 9. Jonathan A. Rodden, Hamilton’s Paradox: The Promise and Peril of Fiscal Federalism (Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 10. 10. Chen Duxiu, the first general secretary of China’s Communist Party, quoted in Yu Keping, Democracy Is a Good Thing: Essays on Politics, Society, and Culture in Contemporary China (Brookings, 2009). It is interesting to compare him with his American contemporary, U.S. Supreme Court justice Louis Brandeis, writing at almost exactly the same time: “A single courageous State may, if its citizens choose, serve as a laboratory; and try novel social and economic experiments without...