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PART THRE E THE CONSTITUTIONALITY O F REMEDIAL AFFIRMATIVE ACTIO N lllow tha t I hav e explained , usin g bot h persona l an d historica l reasons , why remedial affirmativ e actio n i s effective an d justifiable an d why color blindness wil l exten d whit e privileg e int o th e nex t century , I wan t t o show why remedia l affirmativ e actio n doe s no t violat e people' s constitu tional rights . Th e Suprem e Cour t ha s claime d o n numerou s occasion s that th e Constitutio n prohibit s invidiou s racia l discrimination , tha t is , policies intentionall y designe d t o discriminat e an d enacte d becaus e o f their discriminatory effects . The Cour t ha s distinguished betwee n governmenta l policie s tha t promote racial supremacy an d thos e that res t on a remedial purpose , such as eliminating racial (or gender) caste. Thus, whereas the Court struck dow n school segregation , i t uphel d a school boar d polic y t o requir e school s t o provide remedial reading and to use race as a factor in faculty and studen t assignments.1 Sinc e th e remedia l contex t o f moder n affirmativ e actio n has made a difference i n the Court's analysis, I shall begin there . THE ORIGINS OF REMEDIAL AFFIRMATIVE ACTIO N Modern remedia l affirmativ e actio n bega n i n respons e t o widesprea d racial discriminatio n i n employment. 2 I n th e 1930 s and 1940s , when m y 115 116 \f Th e Constitutionalit y o f Remedia l Affirmativ e Actio n mother De e wa s a child , ther e wer e whit e job s an d blac k jobs , jus t a s there wer e whit e schools , churches , an d communitie s an d blac k schools , churches, an d communities . Blac k jo b classification s i n th e Sout h were , by lon g tradition , principall y i n agricultur e an d domesti c service , wit h a few black s workin g a s minister s o r teacher s a t blac k churche s an d blac k schools. In thos e days , merit was not th e basi s for employment . N o matte r how wel l educate d o r accomplishe d a blac k worke r was , h e o r sh e coul d not obtai n a job explicitly reserve d fo r whites, mostly men . Black s worke d as railroa d fireme n an d brakeme n befor e th e adven t o f stea m engines , i n coal an d iro n or e mines , i n lumbe r an d stee l plants , an d i n constructio n jobs. Then , a s mor e white s joine d unions , the y evicte d blac k worker s from variou s occupations . When black s migrate d nort h an d west , awa y fro m th e lega l colo r lin e of th e South , the y encountere d a n equall y inflexibl e custo m restrictin g them t o a onl y fe w blac k jo b classifications . I n larg e urba n center s lik e Philadelphia, Chicago , Washington , D.C. , an d Lo s Angeles , wit h growin g black an d minorit y populations , man y trade s an d craft s wer e ope n onl y t o whites, i n accordanc e wit h unio n polic y o r loca l custom . Th e typica l union membershi p statemen t wa s simila r t o th e followin g fro m th e Orde r of Sleepin g Ca r Conductors : "Th e applican t fo r membershi p shal l b e a white male , sobe r an d industrious , an d mus t join o f his ow n fre e will." 3 I n numerous industries , union s coverin g shipbuilding , machinists , maritime , construction, transit , an d truckin g exclude d black s fro m membershi p o r relegated the m t o th e hardest , dirtiest , mos t dangerous , lowest-payin g work. When...

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