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White Privileg e an d Blac k Despai r \f 10 9 marched o n Washington, demandin g a n end t o job and housin g discrimi nation , rac e riot s erupte d i n Birmingham , Alabama , afte r a bomb rippe d through th e Sixteent h Stree t Baptis t Church , killin g fou r youn g blac k girls.142 I n 1964 , after a painstaking search , federa l authoritie s foun d th e bodies o f thre e civi l right s workers , Andre w Goodman , Jame s Chaney , and Michae l Schwerner , i n Philadelphia , Mississippi. 143 Th e followin g year i n Selma , Alabama , Jimm y Le e Jackson , Violl a Liuzzo , an d Rev . James Ree b were kille d fo r participatin g i n voting rights demonstration s or fo r darin g t o defen d themselve s fro m racia l violence . A s th e bod y count, black and white, increased, the nation began to take notice. Americans were anything but color blind. CRITIQUING COLO R BLINDNES S Numerous other s hav e se t fort h competin g critique s o f th e colo r blind ness principle . Indeed , i n th e lat e 1960 s an d earl y 1970s , the issu e spli t leading lega l scholars. 144 Sinc e then , eac h sid e ha s trie d t o explai n wh y color blindnes s i s o r i s no t goo d policy . Som e peopl e insis t tha t colo r blindness i s essentia l t o advancin g equality, 145 wherea s other s fin d it s opposite—color awarenes s o r race consciousness—mor e consisten t wit h constitutional guarantees of equality146 For example, Andrew Kull argued forcefully tha t rac e i s a n imprope r criterio n fo r classifyin g o r assignin g government benefit s o r burden s unde r th e la w an d tha t i n nearl y al l settings, th e governmen t shoul d ac t without referenc e t o the rac e o f any party. Kull might, albeit cautiously, make an exception fo r blacks. On th e other side , Nei l Gotand a contende d tha t th e colo r blindnes s principl e was inconsisten t wit h th e meanin g o f equalit y i n th e Constitutio n an d that government could use racial classifications whe n eradicating past and continuing racial caste.147 Color blindness i s a confusing metaphor . Rhetorically , th e argumen t i s that i f individual s an d governmen t stoppe d usin g rac e t o disadvantag e others, th e Unite d State s coul d advanc e beyon d it s histor y o f racia l subordination. Bu t Americans have shown that they will not stop discriminating unles s force d t o do so . Others insis t tha t th e governmen t canno t achieve it s educativ e rol e o f teachin g tha t racia l discriminatio n i s wron g while simultaneously permittin g the use of racial classifications t o benefi t a smal l racia l minority . Thi s contentio n rest s o n th e premis e tha t ever y racial classificatio n i s th e same ; tha t remedia l affirmativ e actio n i s th e same as whites-only quotas. This is simply wrong.148 110 \f Whit e Privileg e an d Blac k Despai r American histor y doe s no t teac h tha t racia l discriminatio n i s "illegal , immoral, unconstitutional , inherentl y wrong , an d destructiv e t o a democratic society. " 149 American histor y i s instead taugh t mor e a s a tribute t o prominent whit e me n i n business an d governmen t tha n a s an analysis of human relationships . Indeed , throughou t m y formativ e education , I learned almos t nothin g abou t racia l discriminatio n b y white s agains t blacks. The champion s of color blindness ignore the clearest lessons of America 's racia l history , whic h teac h tha t (1 ) sinc...

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