Body Evidence: Intimate Violence against South Asian Women in America

Chapter 5: The Aftermath of September 11: An Anti–Domestic Violence Perspective

68 The attacks of September , , temporarily paralyzed the United States, as Americans attempted to make sense of the tragedy and deal with personal issues of hate, fear, and sadness. In many ways, the entire nation seemed to form a support group and individuals shouldered the burdens of their neighbors, friends, and families. However, this collective support group was not always welcoming to members of the South Asian, Arab, and Muslim communities. These communities were victimized by the attacks of September , and many returned to their daily lives only to be revictimized by their neighbors and friends (Iyer ; also, see South Asian Leaders of Tomorrow ). Victims of domestic violence within these communities were, then, re-revictimized as they encountered violence inside as well as outside their homes. Domestic violence did not cease to exist in the aftermath of September ; instead, many social service agencies reported that domestic violence in the Muslim communities increased after the day of the attack. An article in Newsweek attributed the increase to “the weak economy, an insulated culture and intense scrutiny from law enforcement and locals” (Childress , ). The Arab-American Family Support Center explained that the increase in domestic violence in the Arab community was due to the high level of fear and stress after September . The Newsweek article related the story of a Muslim-American batterer whose temper turned violent after the attacks of September . His victim, Lila (pseudonym), explained that September  “changed him from an angel to a monster” (). While the actual rate of domestic violence may have increased after September , several organizations reported an initial drop in calls from women in the South Asian and Muslim communities (Katz ). The New York Asian Women’s Center (NYAWC) noticed that there was a reduction in calls from the South Asian community, despite initial reports of increase in domestic violence from a comparable group, East Asian women. NYAWC maintained that reports of domestic violence from East Asian women increased significantly in the immediate aftermath 5 bbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbbb The Aftermath of September 11 An Anti–Domestic Violence Perspective MAUNICA STHANKI Ch005.qxd 11/3/06 5:02 PM Page 68 THE AFTERMATH OF THE SEPTEMBER 11 69 of September  and complaints by Chinese women rose  percent. NYWAC attributed the increase in domestic violence to tensions in Chinatown after the attacks, yet acknowledged that calls from Muslim women dropped significantly (Katz ). NYAWC’s executive director, Tuhina De O’Connor, a woman of South Asian descent herself, explained that the fear of persecution was the reason why many Muslim women stopped reporting their abuse (Katz ). Consequently, NYAWC staff increased their outreach in the South Asian community; nonetheless, many Muslim women remained afraid to report domestic violence.1 Purvi Shah, executive director of Sakhi for South Asian women (Sakhi) in New York, explained that Sakhi also experienced an initial drop in calls between September  and December , yet remarked that calls nearly doubled in  and have been on a steady rise since then. The effects of September  crossed borders, as many Muslim women in the United Kingdom also felt reluctant to seek assistance from domestic violence service providers (Ebrahim ). Najma Ebrahim, coordinator of the Muslim Women’s Helpline in the United Kingdom, reported that calls dropped significantly during the month of September . She attributed this drop in calls to women’s greater concern for Islamaphobia and racism (). While statistical numbers concerning reporting is useful, it is not an absolute way of measuring the rate of domestic violence in the South Asian, Arab, and Muslim communities due to gross underreporting by women. Because of cultural, societal, familial, and religious issues, many women in these communities are reluctant to report abuse. Clarifying Terminology Even though I recognize that ethnically Muslims can be South Asian or Arab, I have categorized “South Asian,” “Arab,” and “Muslim” distinctly. This is because South Asian and Arab Muslims, and those who look like them, were the particular recipients of post-/ backlash in the United States. While Arab and South Asian Muslims were the chief targets, many non-Muslims in these communities were also victimized during this period. For example, the first victim of / backlash murder in the country was a South Asian Sikh man (Real Sikhism n.d.). At the same time, although many whites and African Americans belong to the Muslim community, the primary focus of this article is on the Arab and South Asian communities because they bore the brunt of discrimination after /. I also recognize that South Asian and Arab Muslim communities vary...