School as Community: From Promise to Practice

8. Thinking about Community from a Student Perspective

CHAPTER 8 Thinking about Community from a Student Perspective Carolyn M. Shields During the last decade, one dominant normative metaphor for schooling has been that of community—a notion frequently associated with the concept of a community of learners (Barth, 1990) or a community of inquiry (Fullan, 1993). Perhaps the most commonly cited description of community is that of Sergiovanni (1994) who called for “a collective we” that would emerge from the shared norms, beliefs, and values, of a disparate “group of I’s.” More recently, several writers (Fine, Weis, & Powell, 1997; Furman, 1998; Shields & Seltzer, 1997) have begun to suggest that rather than thinking of a school as a community that finds its unity or center in the commonly held beliefs of its members, it might be useful to consider a community of difference. In this community, common beliefs and values will not be assumed, but as members negotiate from positions reflecting their disparate norms, beliefs, and values, they will recognize that, despite some fundamental differences, there are also some significant commonalties that unite them. Communities of difference will not be based on traditions, stereotypes, or unchallenged assumptions about their members; rather, they will emerge through carefully seeking out, and listening to, the cacophony of voices of those who, together, make up each community . This is important for all schools, but is especially important when there is a diverse student body whose members may represent the diverse sociocultural and economic factions from the wider community. The purpose of this chapter is to provide an opportunity to reflect on the meaning of community as we listen to the voices of students from the Red Rock School District. (All names are pseudonyms.) As they share information about their backgrounds, cultures, and educational experiences, as well as their hopes and aspirations for the future, we hope to better understand how to 197 move toward the creation of school communities in which students feel they belong. This chapter extends an earlier discussion (Shields, 1999) that was based on data from one school. Here, data from students in all district secondary schools are included. Red Rock is a district that shares its boundaries with one of the most geographically vast, yet least populated counties of the contiguous United States. The population of approximately 13,000 people is scattered over 8,000 square miles, with schools located in small towns and villages. Approximately 50% of the students are Navajo, 44% Caucasian, 3% Hispanic, 2% Ute, with an additional 1% from a variety of other racial and ethnic groups (Title VII Biennial Evaluation Report, 1999, p. 2). All schools are quite modern complexes with high-tech computer labs; large, well-equipped gymnasiums; electrical and woodworking shops; classroom facilities for interactive television; and computerized resource centers. These material resources, however, do not always result in high academic achievement for students. Although all of the physical facilities are excellent, there is wider variation in school ethos. Some exhibit a reasonable amount of social cohesion and others are marked by considerable social conflict. In common parlance, people often divide the district into two parts, known simply as the North and the South. These two areas exhibit quite different economic, social, cultural, and linguistic characteristics. The northern population tends to be concentrated around the two major towns of the county, towns in which the few businesses, social services, and government offices are located. In the North, where the majority of the population is Anglo-American, the overall academic achievement of students is higher than for students in the South. In the South, most of the students are Navajo, with three of the four southern schools located on the Navajo reservation. There, individual students ’ lives are full of contrasts. The majority of the Navajo students come to their schools from as far as 45 miles away; only a few are close enough to walk to school. Some have relatively modern homes; others live in very remote areas with few modern conveniences. Many of the homes on the reservation are in isolated family groups. Some do not have running water or electricity; however, most have television sets. Many of the parents and grandparents did not attend school at all and those few who did were often forced into boarding schools where treatment was harsh and anything having to do with maintaining or enhancing cultural values was forbidden. Grandparents generally speak little or no English, while many young people cannot speak or understand Navajo. Some of these readily apparent features are often cited...