From Cuenca to Queens: An Anthropological Story of Transnational Migration

Notes

Notes . Transnational Migration . In this region of Ecuador use of the term cholo (masculine) is most often a derogatory comment to insult a male who aspires to be more than he is. It is often said as an insult to rural or Indian men who try to be cosmopolitan but clearly can’t really pull it off. In Cuenca, chola (feminine) is a much more positive designation—but it is not without controversy and contradiction (see Weismantel ). A cholo boy in local humor indicates someone (usually of the popular classes, either rural or urban) who admires and emulates all things North American—especially consumer goods. Iony is a more recent term, which, according to Jason Pribilsky (), describes returned migrants who have adopted North American attitudes and customs. The term derives from the New York tourism slogan of the s, ‘‘I ª New York!’’ . See Belote and Belote () for a discussion of the processes of ‘‘transculturation ’’ in Saraguro during this period. The authors discuss the process of shifting identities as well as the resurgence of indigenous identity at the same time. . Thechola(female)ofAzuaytypicallyhasherhairplaitedintwolongbraids and wears a wide gathered skirt embroidered at the bottom, a woven ‘‘Panama hat,’’ and an embroidered shawl and blouse. The cholo (male), increasingly rare today, is identified by his poncho and felt hat. Although many rural women still dress in the traditional style (or a modified version of it), very few men who aren’t grandfathers are openly identifiable as cholos. The use of the term chola in a romantic sense seems to be unique to Cuenca (Weismantel ). Elsewhere in Ecuador cholo(a) is considered an insult, because it highlights a lack of cosmopolitan orientation. Whereas the word cholo (male) can be considered an insult, implying that the person is an Indian who has taken on Hispanic cultural characteristic and is not fooling anyone (Brownrigg ), a chola (female) in  Notes to Pages – Cuenca is a cultural symbol of traditionalism of the highest order. The city’s anthem is called the Chola Cuencana, and a statue of a chola graces the western entrance to the city from the Pan American Highway. . Enrique Serrano wrote that the , emigrants from the region were responsible for  million in investments as early as  (Serrano :). . Jason Pribilsky, an anthropologist studying transnational migration outside of Cuenca, reports exactly the opposite. He notes that transnational families are investing heavily in education, sometimes sending their children to live with relatives in Cuenca in order to attend better schools (Pribilsky ). . Susan Hamilton () in a review of ‘‘urban legends’’ argues that the telling of such stories ultimately says more about those telling the stories than about those they are supposedly about. These myths serve the needs of those telling them by reifying differences and therefore justifying particular actions or positions in relation to the groups being discussed (see also Perlman ). . Family Matters . See Taussig () and Crain () for more analysis of the connections between capitalism and devil stories in South America. Both authors argue, much as I do here, that tales of the devil become ways to explain and talk about the inequities of capitalist expansion. . Since the mid-s, with the publication of Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance by James Scott, anthropologists and others have been very concerned with looking at the ways in which marginalized peoples are not just victims of oppressive conditions but also manipulate and negotiate within them. While I agree in theory that it is important to see the poor and oppressed as having a degree of agency in their lives, I also join other authors who worry that we may therefore neglect to realize the levels of oppression under which some people live (see Abu-Lughod ). . These changes are influenced by multiple factors, including the aging of the household members, shifting responsibilities as children grow, and also changing social conditions. Indeed, children, especially adolescents, are often real agents of change within their homes as they challenge their parents to adopt to shifting social conditions (see Caputo ). . While there is not really space here for a full exploration of the shifts and changes in gender ideologies between rural and urban settings, much has been written about the connections between the kinds of patriarchal behavior described for Lucho and urbanization, wage labor, and capitalism (see Ferguson and Folbre ; Nash and Fernandez-Kelly ; A. Scott ; Weismantel ). . See Stolen () for a very different interpretation of domestic violence in Ecuador. [3.139.82.23] Project MUSE (2024-04...