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Epilogue From the time Cubans arrived in the early 1960s, exile and ethnic identities interacted like a dancing couple seeking to meld two impulses into one motion. Their impulses sought return but, simultaneously, belonging in their new space. Everyday life for Cubans in the United States during the 1960s and 1970s involved an intimate interaction between commitment to exile and return on the one hand and the reluctant, inevitable integration into a new society on the other. Engagement with U.S. society did not represent a linear movement from exile to ethnic, but rather manifested itself as a parallel process, sometimes pregnant with tension but also mutually supportive and lasting, evolving together with complexity in the lives of the exile generation. Self-consciously dedicated to cultural survival and return, many Cubans cultivated their exile identity by relying on religious and other traditions as an enduring bridge to the homeland. This strong commitment to tradition , in turn, gave rise to an ethnic identity as refugees inevitably engaged their new society and recognized the challenges to their cultural integrity. Exile identity looked to Cuba, and ethnic identity existed in relation to their adopted land, but both strove for cultural maintenance and remained inextricably connected. Exile identity served as the basis for ethnic consciousness , and experiences associated with integration influenced attitudes about exile and return. As theologian Ada María Isasi-Díaz noted, “During those years in el exilio, as we Cubans continue to refer to our lives away from the island . . . I struggled to find a way of being committed to what I was doing, at the same time always being ready to go back to Cuba as soon as it was possible. ‘If I forget you, O Jerusalem, may my right hand wither! May my tongue cleave to my palate if I forget you!’”1 Whether or not the long-term integration experience ultimately results in a substantively different outcome for Cuban exiles than has been the case in immigrant trajectories of assimilation so common in United States history, this book does reveal a rather different process. During the 1960s and 1970s, Cuban Catholics established trends that persisted into the future, casting a long shadow over the daily lives of Cuban Catholic exiles. 271 As long as Castro and communism remained in Cuba, frames of reference remained substantially unchanged after the 1980s. Exile kept Cubans focused on the homeland even after it became clear most would not necessarily return home even if they could. This in turn fueled their determination to retain their heritage and develop relationships with the broader Hispanic world in the United States, Latin America, and Spain. They remained sensitive to international matters, engaged Cubans in other countries, and continued to espouse the social teachings of the church, which they believed provided ideal guidelines for the reconstruction of Cuba after communism. At the same time, integration into the United States proceeded, inevitably influenced by their deep sense of obligation to their homeland—a dynamic that will cease only when exile sensibilities pass or the communist regime disappears. Exile As a practical matter, Cuban refugees became exiles when they made the affirmative decision to remain committed to Cuba, insisting on their eventual return. Although they certainly had the option of acting as immigrants, identifying with the United States, and embracing a new society and culture, most initially embraced an exile perspective. Exile Catholics expressed a deep grounding in nationalism, anti-communism, and a social consciousness rooted in the teachings of their faith; while forging their lives within the world of exile, some revealed attitudes of rigidity and intransigence on the one hand, while others embraced flexibility and dialogue on the other. In the early years, exile leaders, Catholic and otherwise, acted from a revolutionary ethic cultivated for years in Cuba’s unruly political climate and without hesitation used armed and violent actions to achieve political goals. They participated in the struggle of the broader community to overthrow the Castro government and return home, where they hoped to build Cuba anew based on Christian traditions and principles. The events associated with departure produced a life-long trauma that remained an open wound, colored worldviews, and provided the emotional fuel for an exile frame of reference, an essentially psychological predisposition defining Cuban identity . Driven by their anger, many exiles continued to pepper their intransigence with a taste for vengeance. Their anger also encouraged an ongoing 272 Cuban Catholics in the United States, 1960–1980 [18.217.108.11] Project MUSE...

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