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five AIDS Policies for Markets and Warriors: Dispossession, Capital, and Pharmaceuticals in Nigeria Kristin Peterson Dispossession and Its Organizational Strategies Most of the literature on globalization that theorizes flexible capital, flows (media, migration, technology), global cities, cosmopolitanism, and local– global relationships proceeds from an analysis of finance and manufacturing capital.1 Such paradigms account for accumulation, speed, and the migratory patterns of both people and technology via capital circulating among cybernetic and physical spaces. As one imagines the enormity of capital movement, what is said of the spaces and places that are emptied out, from which these voluminous forms of capital are originally extracted? As it is widely recognized that the African continent continues to provide raw material in the form of oil, minerals, and cash crops to the rest of the world in crumbling and nonreproducible ways, can there be an analysis of an emptied-out space as the left-behind effect of such movement? Can there be an accounting of this space that is connected to but defies overlap with other spaces in the transnational realm; an account that, though cannot always imagine how raw material and capital are transformed and consumed beyond its boundaries, is not parochial in the estimation of its own loss? When it comes to theorizing Africa’s relationship to globalization, there is remarkably little said other than that Africa is simply marginalized in the global political economy.2 However, Africa is being rigorously “reinscribed” in the world via trade, development, and economic policies that suggest an importance greater than simple marginalization. How African states comply with the World Trade organization (WTo), for example, will largely determine the role and activities of trade and global governance in ways that are yet to be imagined, as well as in ways that are alarmingly on the horizon, such as the slow and rigorous wiping away of the generic drug industry via legal measures found in numerous free trade agreements. AIDS PoLICIES FoR MARKETS AND WARRIoRS 139 This chapter assesses a form of “lively capital” that begins with the following assumptions: wealth accumulation as described by analyses of speculative and manufacturing capital, global cities, etc., cannot solely account for the contours or performance of global capitalism and Africa’s relationship to it. Rather, Africa is an imperative and integral part of current processes of globalization that include the continent’s cultural and economic representations, the building of new capital markets, and the redirected efforts of foreign aid that are increasingly being tied to global securitization. Instead of thinking about globalization as a unitary capitalism, I am more interested in theories of capital that may better capture and complicate Africa in the world, as more than one capitalism is at play and at stake here.3 In these paradigms, therefore , more attention needs to be paid to wealth extraction and dispossession,4 whereby emptied-out material space is generated by both extractive industries and overlapping configurations of policy making and capital mobility. This dispossessed space provides the seams upon which emergent and competing kinds of capital, as well as social and institutional exchange, find their roots and grow. In this particular instance, they manifest as varying forms of pharmaceutical capital, whose circulation and existence are tied to oil, debt, and military economies.5 By describing the institution of pharmacy (defined as the discipline of drug dispensation and composition), and to a lesser extent drug manufacturing , in Nigeria as exemplary of emptied-out space, I am not referring to terra nullius, which would imply sheer absence in a colonial imaginary—an absence that has in fact been conceived in the past, the modern ghost of which is invoked by the pharmaceutical industry as “lack of infrastructure,” used as a prime reason to refuse adequate drug price reductions. Nor am I suggesting that the colonial state was a robust entity that extended its drug distribution efforts beyond the citizen to the subject, a task now begging the attention of the postcolonial state. Rather, I am referring to two means of dispossession: the first is the 1986 International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) structural adjustment program (SAP) that was strongly tied to a rise of militarism in Nigeria and a protracted pro-democracy movement. The SAP initiated the massive emptying out of existing health institutions and pharmacy and disabled drug manufacturing (via currency devaluation, wage decreases, state privatization and dismantling, etc.).6 other therapeutic institutions emerged to replace the dying ones, and with them new professional and patient agencies, strategies, and subjectivities...

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