Made in Mexico: Tradition, Tourism, and Political Ferment in Oaxaca by Chris Goertzen (review)

The states of Oaxaca and Chiapas are home to huge Indian populations—populations that draw increasing numbers of tourists. They are also home to repressive governmental systems. This excellent book examines the interplay between these two factors.

Goertzen starts in Chiapas with a brief historical sketch of Indian/Ladino (mestizo)/tourist relations and suggests that retention of crafts and other traditions among the Indians is in fact a response to ongoing oppression and marginalization. He continues with a case study of an embroidered pillowcase from Chiapas, treating it as the result of negotiation between the indigenous producers and the desires of their customers. After discussing the various commercial venues in which crafts are sold (co-ops, privately owned stores, and markets), he ends with a discussion of gender, family, and community dynamics, paying attention to the changing realities brought about by the Zapatista rebellion.

We then move to Oaxaca, the main topic of the book. After a brief historical overview, Goertzen describes three major crafts in detail: black pottery making, rug weaving, and wood carving. All three changed radically in the mid-twentieth century as a result of accommodation to the tourist market. Are they “authentic” expressions of the local culture? The answer is yes. But the local culture, like all culture, is dynamic. The crafts, which are produced for export into another world, must reflect the demands of their markets, and only one of those demands involves traditionality.

For the tourist, much of the indigenous flavor of Oaxaca comes together on two consecutive Mondays in July at a huge event called the Guelaguetza, a word whose original meaning seems to have involved the reciprocal exchange of resources and services. In its present context, Guelaguetza is a program of regional music and dance, often adapted from village traditions, put on for spectators. Tourists are the paying spectators; local folks can come to the back of the outdoor auditorium for free.

The program involves the same elements found at village fiestas: music, dance, sales and food booths, and processions—even religious celebrations at a couple of churches whose feasts coincide with the two-week Guelaguetza period. A queen (in this case, the Corn Goddess) is elected. The formal program involves roughly a dozen dance groups chosen from different villages and supposedly representing the famous “seven regions” of Oaxaca. The selection is done by a committee composed of anthropologists and other upper-class cultural specialists who visit different towns and view the dances that the local clubs have prepared. Selection is made on grounds of “authenticity,” expertise, and balance within the overall program. Although there are certain perennial performances, new groups may be added to the roster.

In contrast to the materials and events previously described, there are crafts and activities that are mostly produced for consumption within the local culture. These include women’s aprons, market baskets woven of plastic, and mottoes and other paintings on trucks. To these, I would also add the utilitarian glazed pottery produced in Azompa. Unlike the polished blackware mentioned earlier, it holds water. Goertzen also goes into great detail on a game called tiro al blanco, which is set up in fairs and fiestas and patronized by the working class. Hitting a target with a miniature rifle is rewarded by a short musical selection in the genre of one’s choice, played by marionettes. His discussion leads into an insightful examination of class preferences in popular music.

In his final chapter, Goertzen outlines the confrontational policies and politics that have characterized the Oaxaca City scene since 2006. In that year, the annual teachers’ strike, which was usually resolved by a token raise, had escalated into violence, gunfire, and a surprising vandalism of the Guelaguetza auditorium. That year’s Guelaguetza was cancelled, and the following year, protesters staged an alternative, free, “People’s Guelaguetza” in opposition to the regular event, which they claimed was run by...