Walter of Châtillon's 'Alexandreis': Epic and the Problem of Historical Understanding by Maurak. Lafferty (review)

running head? maurak. lafferty, WalterofChaulions 'Alexandreis': EpicandtheProblem of'Historical Understanding. Turhout, Belgium: Brepols, 1998. Pp. 228. isbn; 2-503-50576-7. $ Working mostly over David Townsend's translation of the Alexandreis (reviewed above), Maura Lafferty proposes in her book, based on her PhD dissertation, to investigate how this complex text ofthe 12th century explores issues such as: 'what is the value of studying the past? How does our construction of the past affect our understanding ofthe present world? How does the study ofancient texts benefit us? Why do we study pagan epics? How can we incorporate what we learn from the past into our own vision of the world?' (1-2). She starts with the analysis of a passage where a procession led by the High Priest of the Jews intercepts the path of Alexander's invading army. To his men's astonishment, the Macedonian world conqueror kneels in reverence to the sacred tetragrammaton inscribed upon the prelate's tiara, signifying the name ofGod, and abstains from pillagingJerusalem (Townsend 1.627-646). The event confirmed a dream promising his triumph in Asia. Both the encounter with the High Priest and the dream were present in the legendary tradition about Alexander (e.g., Historia de Preliis 1.35), and had been attested long before in Josephus's Antiquities oftheJews (xi.8); except for the reference to the dream, the episode also figures in the Old French Roman d'Alexandre (ii.2436-2455). That the 'Great One' would meekly kneel before the High Priest would be a reminder of the due subordination ofsecular to religious power, predicated but not without contestation during the 12th century, a time of crusades against the East (but also of archbishop Becket's murder by knights of Henry II). Walter's loyalties went ofcourse to the Church, William ofBlois, archbishop ofReims beinghis patron. Also, the reference to Jewish religious symbols brought to mind the Old Testament, to Walter's readers a preparatory stage towards Christ's advent. The religious factor is reinforced in the ecphrasis of Darius's tomb: Alexander is the goat announced by Daniel as the destroyer of the Persian ram. Though not a Christian, he was an instrument in God's plan, the 'scourge of princes,' even if his boundless ambition made him believe that 'earth's four quarters were his portion' (Townsend 7.469-471). And yet could a 12th-century Christian reader effectively empathize with a pagan hero? Says the Roman d'Alexandre that 'ifhe had been Christian, there would never be another such baron' (iv.1679). As ifin response to this wish, Geoffrey ofMonmouth reenacted the scene of Alexanders obeisance to the High Priest with a Christian king, showing in his Historia Regum Britanniae (1136 a.d.) Arthur yielding to bishops who cross the king's path bearing 'the relics oftheir saints and the treasures oftheir churches' (Penguin translation pp. 219-220). To an Arthur who, until then, was little more than a name associated with a list ofbattles, Geoffreywould dedicate a detailed vita by borrowing from the Alexander tradition, which was thus preserved in the lasting vogue of the Briton king (my article in Arthuriana 5.3, 1995 examines this hypothesis). One may or may not agree with Lafferty's conclusions, which question the feasibility of historical understanding in the presence of differing languages and arthuriana cultures. But, except that she might have referred more often to theRomand'Alexandre, her ample survey ofdocuments related to the contents ofthe Alexandreis provides a valuable context to study its reception and effect on Walter's medieval audience. antonio 1. furtado Pontificia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro ...