"No Cure, No Money," or the Invisible Hand of Quackery: The Language of Commerce, Credit, and Cash in Eighteenth-Century British Medical Advertisements

"NoCure,NoMoney,"orthe InvisibleHandofQuackery: TheLanguageofCommerce,Credit, andCashinEighteenth-Century BritishMedicalAdvertisements LISAFORMANCODY Everybodyknowsthateighteenth-centurymedicalconcoctionsweremade ofnothingandgoodfornothing,atleastnothingthatalittlerumora sugarcubecouldn'tcureonitsown.BalmofGileadwasbutbrandy,andthe omnipresentanodynenecklacebeadsofpeonywood.Afewpennies'worth ofingredients,andtherestwassheerprofitfortheingeniousquackvendor. How,whencontemporarycriticsknewthisandwarnedthepublicofthe uselessnessofsuchgoods,didquacksensnarethepublic?Thequestionthey faced,astheyadvertisedtheirwares,wasthenhowtoputsomethinginto nothing,orhowtomakegoldoutoftin. Thisessaywillexaminehowquackmedicines—perhapsthemostworth- lessofconsumergoodsintheeighteenth-centurymarketplace—definedmem- selvesasvaluable.Exploringthisprobleminpartilluminatesthemostcom- monformofeighteenth-centurypopularmedicalcultureandthestrategiesof vendorsbattlingwidespreadpublicskepticismaboutthetrustworthinessof alldoctors—notjustquacks—andtheefficacyoftheirproducts.Notsur- prisingly,practitionersundersiegepubliclyportrayedthemselvesasaccomplishedaltruists ,buttheyalsoinvokedamelangeofpopularculturaltrends presumablyattractivetoapublicinsearchofeffectivemedicalremedies. Althoughquacksinvariablyrepresentedwretchedlyafflictedbodiescured bytheirspecialnostrums'awesomepowers,theyalsotriedtoattractcus- 103 104 / CODY tomersbyattachingtheirproductstoastronomy,astrology,causescélèbres, statesmen,popularfigures,hoop-skirtsandpatches,thefamily,prostitutes, politics,nationalism,theexoticandforeign,commerce,money,gold,God; inshort,everything.Someofthesepromotionsshouting"Eronania.Onthe MisusingsoftheMarriage-Bed"1ofcoursecaughttheeyeortitillated;oth- ersannouncing"AnArticleoutofaLetterfromaGentlemanatParis,tohis CorrespondenthereinLondon"2trickedareaderintoseeingtheadvertise- mentasnews,elevatingacommoditytotherealmofpublicandpolitical discourse.Bothdevicesinflatedquackremedies'values,suggestingthata consumergotmorethanopiumforhisgout;hewasalsoabletoparticipatein thepubliceventsoftheday. Buteveniftheyreceiveda"free"gift,say,anengravingofFarinellithe CastratoorPetertheWildBoywhenpurchasingananodynenecklace,con- sumersstillpartedwithquitesizablenumbersofshillingsinthetransaction. Criticsofquackeryalwaysportrayedthisasamercenarybusiness,aslowas thieveryandascleverasacon-job.Indeed,likemostconartists,somequacks promisedtoofferastrikingdealthatwouldmaketheircustomersrichnot onlyinhealth,butalsointhemarketplace.Alladvertisements,whetherfor bogusmedicalgoodsorarealhousetolet,weredesignedtoconfervalueand worthonthecommodity,butaparticularsubsetofquackpromotionsand strategiesemployedmonetaryimageryandpromisestocompensateforthe customer'slossofcash.Thesequackadvertisementscapitalizedonpositive imagesofcash,credit,andcommercetounderwritetheirgoods'valuewhile subordinatingtheeconomicfactthatthequack-merchantwasthemoreen- richedplayer. ThatmanyGeorgianquacksvendingpapdisguisedasgoldbecamevery richsuggeststhattheirpromotionalstrategiessucceeded;inturn,theappar- entsuccessofthesemarketingploysrevealsapublicnotalwayseconomi- cally"rational"aboutthe"real"worthofmedicalnostrums.Iamnotargu- ingherethatthepublicwasstupid,butratherthatthequack'sdepictionof theconsumptionofmedicinesastheconsumer'sgainhelpedstructureand reinforceaneconomiclogicthatmade"rational"senseelsewhere:investing inastockcompany,forexample,demandedthattheinvestorbelievethat partingwithcashinthepresentequalledlaterprofit.Theeconomiclanguage ofcertainmedicaladvertisementsreiteratedandnaturalizedparticipationin thenewkindsofinvestmentopportunities,creditandcommodityarrange-mentsofthelongeighteenthcentury.Butmorethansimplyechoingthe"ra- tional"discourseofinvestment,value,andcirculation,theseadvertisements— andthemedicalcommercetheyfacilitated—actuallyenabledthisfinancial andeconomicrevolution. "NoCure,NoMoney,"ortheInvisibleHandofQuackeryI105 Advertising,Commerce,andthePublicSphere Newspapershelpedcreatethe"financialrevolution"oftheseventeenth centuryinBritain3becausetheyreportedanddisseminatedtheeconomicnews ofshipments,investments,sales,purchases,tariffs,insurance,andfluctuat- ingexchangeratestoinvestorsandconsumersgeographicallyseparated.When aLondonnewspaperreportednewsofcargoreturningfromtheWestIndies, forexample,thereport'svaluereliedonthereaderimaginingandtrustingin somethingfaraway.Trainingreaders'imaginationsintherealityandrel- evanceofthegeographicallydistantprimedinvestorstohavefaithintempo-rallydistantcommoditiesandprofitstoo.Suchfaithwasabsolutelyneces- saryforprivateindividualsandpublicministersnotonlytoinvestinsuch (actuallyrisky)schemesasjoint-stockcompanies,theBankofEngland,and floatingloans—allthekeystructuresofthefinancialrevolution—butalsoto purchaseandtryoutthegoodsandservicesadvertisedinnewspapers. Anditwasadvertisements,particularlyformedicalgoodsandservices, whichhelpedunderwritethecostsofthesenewspapers.4Fromthebeginning oftheperiodicalpressinthe1620s,advertisementsgavepublisherstheir profits.Thepennyorsochargedforeachcopyofapaperhelpedcoverthe costsofpaper,ink,labor,andcapitalinvestment,butthetwoshillingsor morechargedforrunningeachadvertisementineachissuemadetheprinter's endeavorworthwhile.Asnewspapersflourishedintheeighteenthcentury, threecategoriesofgoodsdominatedadvertisements:otherprintedgoods, commerce,andmedicalproducts.OnestudyoftheSalisburyJournalfigures thatabout10to14percentofadswereformedicalgoods,5butsomemetro- politanpapersreliedmuchmoreheavilyonsuchads.AFebruary1722Lon- donpaperhadthirtyads,fiveofwhichwereforbooksorpamphlets,includ- ingoneongonorrhea;seventeenadswereformedicalproductsforhumans, andtwoforhorses,onetoutingMarkham'sCordialHorseBalls,theother laudingGibson'sCordialHorseBalls.6 Thethreecategoriesdominatingeighteenth-centuryads(print,commerce, medicine)composedthecentralactivitiesofcoffeehousesandsuchpublic spacesasfairsandstreets;apersonreadthepapers,perhapsinvestedina financialscheme,andpossiblypurchasedabottleofelixirwhenatLloyd's. Althoughthepublichaslongbeendepictedasanidealizedbourgeois"ratio-nal-critical"sphere,therealitywasrougherandmuchmorebodily.7Quack-eryandquackmedicineslitteredrealcoffeehouses,newspapers,bookshops, streets,markets,andfairs.Quackmedicinesweresimplyamongthemost "public"ofgoodsbeingofferedupfor"thebenefitofthepublic,"astheir vendorsalwaysproclaimed.Butdespitethesehigh-mindedandaltruistic 106 / CODY boastsmadetodownplayquacks'privateinterests,quacks'mainconcern remaineddiseasedflesh. Warts,worms,tooth-aches,andtumors—andallthewretchedcuresdoc- torsdevised—overtookearlymodernpeoples'bodies,aswellastheirprint andpublicculture.OnecorrespondenttoTheSpectatorremarkedthatthere weremoreadsandbillsinaWestminsterCoffeehousefor"elixers,tinctures, theanodinefotus,EnglishPills,electuaries...than...therearediseases."8 Notjustprint-ads,butalsolivemedicaladviceanddemonstrationcouldb& foundinpublic,withelitephysiciansfrequentingTheBritishCoffeeHouse whilelower-statuspractitionersandtheirproductscouldbefoundalmost everywhereelse.Forexample,accordingtoa1731notice,notonlycould ChristopherKelly'sCuringDropswhichremediedbreastcancerbepurchased atJohn'sCoffeeHouseinMitre-Court,themanhimselfcouldbefoundthere "perform[ing]"an"accountofthewonderfulcures...constantlyfromone tothree."9 Diseasesandremedieswereomnipresent,butnoteverymedicalpractitio- neradvertisedinthepressoronhandbills,ordemonstratedhiswaresin coffeehouses.Manyeliteandtraditionalpractitioners,namelyphysicians, surgeons,andmidwives,lessoftenpromotedtheirservicesinprint,choosing torelyinsteadonword-of-mouthandrecommendationsamongaprivatecli-entele.Mostmedicaladswereplacedbymarginalpractitionersorevenbookandprintsellerswhosoldquackorpatentmedicinesontheside.Theseven- dors,evenwhentheydidpossessalegitimatemedicaldegreeortreatedan eliteprivateclientele,wereuniversallyconsideredquacksbycritics.Quack vendorsoftencopiedphysicians'accoutrements,ordeliberatelylinkedtheir curestoeminentdoctors'names,butthisdidnotincreasetheirstockamong skepticsandcritics.Perhapsneedlesstosay,noadvertiserslabelledthemselves "quacks,"buttheywerequicktoaccusecompetitorsoffraud.Infact, acommontacticwastopublishapamphletostensiblyattackingquackeryorpatentmedicinesingeneral,butthenappendingdescriptionsofandtestimo-nialsattestingtotheexcellenceoftheauthor'sparticularcure.10 Bothelitepractitionersandquackvendorsrecommendedmanyofthesame cures—mercury,forexample—butthephysiciandidsoinprivatetransac- tionswithpatientsathome,whilequacksandmedicalvendorsofferedtheir curespublicly,whetherinprintoratfairs.Althoughbotheliteandquack doctorsfrequentedcoffeehouses,itseemsthattheformerdidsotobesimply locatedbytheirclientele,whilethelatteractuallysetupshopbyhandingout bills,seeingthesick,vendingcures,andcollectingfees.Intheeighteenth century,whenformalpractitionershadfewpharmaceuticalmiraclesathand, thedifferencebetweenthephysicianandthequackwasnotsomuchwhat "NoCure,NoMoney,"ortheInvisibleHandofQuackeryI107mightbeprescribed,buttheformofthemedicaltransaction.Theentirely publicandtransparentlyvenalnatureofthequack'sventurewasexactly whatmadehimaquack,accordingtocritics." Despiteitsdubiousculturalstanding,quackadvertisingenabledtheflour- ishingofapublicprintculturebecauseeighteenth-centuryprintersgained theirprofitsnotfromsubscriptionsandsales,butsellingadvertisingspace. Adsallowedpublisherstomakenewspapersrelativelyinexpensiveandwidely available,butadsstillhadtobeaffordable.Vendorsofgoodscouldonly placeadsiftheirproductswerehighlymarketableandseeminglywithinreach ofawideclientele—whichmightexplainwhyluxurygoods(jewelryand furniture)werefarlessoftenadvertisedthanitemscostingonlyafewshil- lings(medicines,books,pamphlets,prints,almanacs)orrequiringonlyone buyer(property,slaves,labor). Eventhoughmedicaladswerethusinrealityaneconomicstrutandlacked thesupposedtransparenttruthfulnessofsuchrealnewsasreportsofparlia- mentarydiscussionortheweather,forexample,manyobserversapparently treatedadsasthenewsitself.JosephAddisonremarkedofthisphenomenon inTheTatler:"IconsiderasaccountsofNewsfromthelittleworld,inthe sameMannerthattheforegoingPartsofthePaperarefromthegreat....AmanthatisbynoMeansbigenoughfortheGazette,mayeasilycreepinto theAdvertisements;bywhichMeansweoftenseeanApothecaryinthesame PaperoftheNewswithaPlenipotentiary___"Continuingtomockhowads mimickedthefunctionoflegitimatepublicnews,Steelenotedthatadvertise- mentscontributedto"theManagementofcontroversy,insomuchthatabove halftheadvertisementsonemeetswithnow-a-DaysaretruelyPolemical." Forexample,"[t]heInventorsofStropsforRazorshavewrittenagainstone anotherthisWayforseveralYears,andthatwithgreatBitterness....Ineed notmentiontheseveralProprietorsofDr.AndersonsPills...."12Addison himself,perhapsinadvertently,demonstratesthepermeabilityofthebound- ariesbetweenpublicnewsandprivateprofits,"rational"observationsand bodilymattersintheTatleressaybyintroducingtheentiretextofapaid-for advertisementintohiscritiqueofadvertising.Heexplainsthatbecausethe elegantlydescribed"CompoundedSpiritofLavender""isaPatternofgood Writing...IshallgiveitaPlaceintheBodyofmyPaper."Theproseof advertisinginfectsthe"rational-critical"proseofTheTatlerwhenAddison injectsintothemainbodyoftheTatleressaythisadvertisement'scopy.13 Blurringdistinctionsevenfurther,Addisonfollowswimthemorevulgar,re- dundantlynamed"CarmininitiveWind-ExpellingPills,"whoseprettyLatin namepolitelyenvelopes,butisnonethelessunderminedbythescatological Englishadjectivedefiningwhat"carmininitive"actuallyis.Historiansand 108 / CODY criticshavecreditedthepolishedstyleofAddisonandSteelewithsmoothing thewayforapolitepublicculture.Butthefocusonpolitessehasdisguised thewayinwhichtheprocessofcreatingapublicsphereaccommodatedboth theseeminglycounterpoisedcharacteristicsofelegant,intellectualcriticism, andtheintestinalconcernsofthebody,disease,andmedicine.14 OnecorrespondenttoTheSpectator,lessconcernedwiththeambitionsofapothecarieshobnobbingwithambassadorsonpaper,sawthismelangeof highandlowasdestroyingdistinctions.Hecomplainedthat"Menwhofre- quentCoffee-houses,anddelightinNews,arepleasedwitheverythingthatisMatterofFact—TheyreadtheAdvertisementswiththesameCuriosity astheArticlesofthePublicknews....Inshort,...theyareMenofa Voraciousappetite,butnoTaste."15Thethreathereispartlyaboutclassbound- ariesbeingbrokenbecausethosewholacktasteandthemeanstodiscernare (unfortunately)admittedintothereadingandcoffee-drinkingpublic;butitis alsoaboutthedifficultyofdiscernmentitselfwhennewspaperspublishitems bothpublicandprivate.Theplacementofnewsnexttoadsallowstheun- learnedtomixupthefactual,reasonable,andvaluablewiththefraudulent andworthless.Adsthusrevealtherealityoftheeighteenth-centurypublic sphereasacomplexspaceofbothfactandcon,reasonanddissimulation. Alladvertisementsdissimulated,especiallywhentheytriedtopassthem- selvesoffasequivalenttonews,ordeniedself-interestorprivateadvantage. Quackadvertisementsconned,notonlybecausetheytoutedmedicallyworth- lessgoodslikepeony-woodbeads,butbecausetheypresentedtheirvendors andtheirreadershipassomethingotherthantheywere.TheSpectator'scor- respondentsmayhavefoundfellowreaderslowbrowfortreatingadsasfactratherthancon,butpurveyorsofquackmedicinesflatteredtheiraudienceas moresophisticated.Advertisementsappealedtotheirreadersasiftheywere gentry,perhapsindicatingthateighteenth-centuryconsumerismpromotedand playedonclassemulation.16Themostprosaicproblems—chafing,forin- stance—weresaidtoresultfrommoreelegantcauses,asina1734adap- pealingtotheupwardlymobileridingbareback:theywouldberelievedto buy"thefamouschymicalpowder,sohighlyesteem'dbythenobilityand gentryofbothsexes...[and]thosegentlemenandladieswhoseskinbeing ofafinertexturethanordinary,are...subjecttochafingorsorenessupon riding...orotherwise."17Thepublicsphereofprintculturereliedonafictionwhereparticipantsactedasiftheywereelite,andtheirproblemsgen- teel,whethertheyactuallywereornot.Butthiswasmorethaneditorsandreaderspolitelytoleratingthetriteandbumpkinish;whenordinarythings likelavenderwatercouldbeelevatedthroughclassicalrhetoricaldevices, Addisonapplauded,andindoingsoendorsedthebanalandbodilyastopics fitforpolitecriticism. "NoCure,NoMoney,"ortheInvisibleHandofQuackeryI109 MedicineandtheMarketplace Onceitflattereditsreaders,thetypicalmedicaladgotdowntobusiness andreveledinitsaudience'sintestinalworms,scrofulouscraws,andvene- realsores.Advertisershardlydownplayeddisease;ifanything,theymagni- fiedandinventedafflictions(includingofcoursetheevilofonanism).18Itis nosurprisethatbodiesanddiseasedominatedmanymedicalads,notjust becausemedicinesredressedtheimbalancesofthebody,butalsobecause bodilydetailworkednovelistically,conjuringupanimageoflivingcustom-ers.19Thesebodilydescriptionsappearedinthird-personaccounts,aswellas infirst-persontestimonials.Morefrequentlyusedthananyotherdevicein quackandpatentmedicineadvertisements,thetestimonialdescribedasupposedlysatisfiedcustomer 'sdiseasedconditionandrecoveryingreatdetail, oftenappendinganame,address,andoccupation.Arealpersonwillingly consigninghisprivatevitatothepublicmarketplacewasmeanttoprovidea credit-worthyaccountandanimaginablefaceinthemarketplace.This,then, istheparadoxonwhichthequackadsplayed:inanappealtoanaudiencefor whateverreasondisinclinedtoconsultaphysicianorsurgeonandthuscrav- inganonymity,thequackadpubliclyinvokedfellow(private)suffererswho intheirspecificityandauthenticindividualitycouldguaranteetheefficacyof thecureandtheanonymoustransaction. Anonymity,andthusdistance,particularlymarkedthequacktransaction, butthesefeaturesresembledsomeaspectsoftraditionalprivatepractices. Forinstance,quackvendors'relianceoncommunicationthroughadvertise- mentsandthemailwassimilartohowtheverywell-respectedScottish physicianWilliamCullenranhispracticethroughthepostbyanswering patients'lettersinwhichtheydescribedtheirailments.Boththequacktrans- actionatthecoffeehouseandtheeighteenth-centuryphysician'sprivate consultationreliedonpatientsverballydescribing,evenselfdiagnosing, theirailmentsratherthanthemedicalpractitioners'physicalexaminations. Earlymodernmedicaltransactions,unlikemodernones,weremediatedby respectingdistance.Thedoctoraskedpermissioneventotakeapatient's pulse;hemightdiagnoseentirelythroughwriting.20 Unlikethemedicaltransactionwhichrespectedphysicaldistance,other earlymoderntransactionsreliedonproximity.Inthecaseofthemedieval andearlymodemmarketplacemoregenerally,commercialexchangesoc- curredinactualplacesbetweenindividualswhophysicallypresentedtheir goodsandpaymenttoeachother.Thetypicalearlymodernexchangede- mandedthephysicalandconcrete;ifactualspeciewerenothandedover,a contractwouldbewrittenandwitnessedinthemarketplace.Eveninthecase ofsuchearlyformsofcreditasthirteenth-centurybillsofexchange,itwas no/Cody guaranteeablepersonalrelationsthatbuiltthenecessary"mutualconfidence." Here,billsonlypassedbetweenestablishedpurchasersandsellersalong...