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Peronism without Perón:
Unions, Parties, and Democracy in Argentina
National Period
Peronism without Perón: Unions, Parties, and Democracy in Argentina. By James W. McGuire. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997. Table. Figures. Notes. Bibliography. Index. xi, 388. Cloth, $55.00. James W. McGuire attempts to analyze why democracy has never flourished in Argentina. He focuses on the period after 1955, and the study of Peronism in particular, to make his points. He argues that the failure to build an institutionalized party structure played a key role in the process and that both Perón and other party leaders, mostly union bosses, deliberately sabotaged attempts to institutionalize the party or Peronism in general. [End Page 215] McGuire concentrates on two key moments to prove his case: the struggle of Augusto Vandor against Perón in the early sixties and the period from 1984 to 1998, when some leaders tried but failed to create a more institutionalized movement.
The opening chapter lays out the author's assumptions and includes a number of definitions. The following chapters provide a historical analysis of the events leading to the rise of Perón, his struggle against Vandor, and, finally, the legacy of Peronism. The last two chapters examine the failure of "Renewal Peronism" to attain its goals and the first presidential term of Carlos S. Menem. In the final chapter, McGuire argues that Argentina failed to consolidate democratic forms because of "distributive conflict-party institutionalization." In short, in situations with intensive distributive conflict among sectoral elites, the degree of development of democracy or democratic institutions depends upon the ability of political parties to mediate that conflict. In Argentina, these elites operated through pressure groups such as the Sociedad Rural, the Unión Industrial Argentina, and the CGT rather than through political parties. Thus, in Argentina, class conflicts played out largely outside the political arena. Frequently, the author includes anecdotes and discussions of differing explanations that add some spice to the narrative.
The heart of this book is a dissertation written at the University of California, Berkeley, under the direction of David Collier. Much of the theory and language is distinctly Collierist. Despite this, much of the historical sections makes good sense, and McGuire argues his points forcefully. The final chapter examines other theoretical arguments (dependency, political culture, nature of the military, etc.) for Argentina's lack of democracy and shows why McGuire thinks that they fail as adequate explanations.
Several other points need mention. First, the author's concern with ways in which democracy is developed leads to strange judgments. Many readers will disagree with McGuire's mostly favorable assessment of Vandor as a man who tried to build institutions. Similarly, President Menem receives a mixed to positive evaluation as a democrat or person who has allowed democracy to advance. In the final analysis, however, the author cops out on the future of democracy in Argentina. Second, the reader comes away with a strong sense of just how self-serving and corrupt Argentine labor leaders have been, at least the Peronist ones. Unfortunately, the few honest leaders get little attention. Third, the degree to which antileftism shaped the actions of both Peronist leaders and the military becomes clear throughout. McGuire makes the point that even supposedly "left" Peronist leaders often spouted rhetoric for their own purposes rather than from conviction. Lastly, this is not a book about common people, workers, or unionists but one about leaders, politicians, and elites. We could easily forget after reading this book that the person on the line or on strike or unemployed makes up the real labor movement, even though at times he or she may be manipulated by corrupt and self-serving labor bosses.
Hobart A. Spalding
Brooklyn College and CUNY Graduate Center
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Peronism without Peron: Unions, Parties, and Democracy in Argentina (review)
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