DURING A LARGE DEMONSTRATION AGAINST THE WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION in Seattle, tear gas fired by police affected many WTO delegates, shoppers, and city officials, but was relatively ineffective against protest? ers who had brought their own gas masks. As a result, police escalated their use of force, including the use of rubber bullets to disperse crowds. Initially, as police pushed against the lines of demonstrators, the nonviolent activists closed ranks and locked arms tightly. The more the police pushed, the more resilient the line became. However, the demonstrators' success in blocking police and WTO delegates also inhibited other demonstrators from moving to new locations and blocked their own medics from reaching the injured. The degree of secrecy accompanying the preparations of both police and protesters, while believed to be strategic, also inhibited cooperation with allies. These examples illustrate an ironic perspective on protest, which we develop below. Briefly noted are commonly heard explanatory stories about the Seattle events, along with some of their limitations. We suggest that a neglected perspec? tive involving irony is needed to understand the complexity of these events. We then detail police and demonstrator activities on the first day of the WTO meetings, noting organizational, planning, and tactical efforts. We identify 10 forms of irony inherent in the structure of the situation or that may emerge from interaction. These factors bring a significant degree of indeterminacy and trade-offs, no matter what decisions are made. We conclude with suggestions on limiting violations of constitutional rights and police and demonstrator violence. Our method involves

Patrick F. Gillham is a Ph. D. candidate in sociology at the University of Colorado at Boulder (Boulder, CO 80309; e-mail: gillham@ colorado. edu). He is currently researching the Global Justice movement and observed the WTO demonstrations in Seattle, as well as the World Bank and IMF protests in Washington, DC Gary T. Marx, Professor Emeritus at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (mit. edu/gtmarx/www/garyhome. html), worked for the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (Kerner Commission) and is the author of Protest and Prejudice and Undercover: Police Surveillance in America. An earlier version of this essay was given at the annual meeting of the International Society of Political Psychology, Seattle, Washington, 2000. Thanks to Stanley Yntema of the University of Washington for his invaluable field assistance and collection of post-WTO documentation.