(Re) imagining intersectional democracy from Black feminism to hashtag activism

SJ Jackson - Women's Studies in Communication, 2016 - Taylor & Francis
Women's Studies in Communication, 2016Taylor & Francis
To say that Black lives matter 1 has become both a technological and cultural phenomenon
in the United States is an understatement. The hashtag and those discursively linked to it
have been used more than 100 million times, and the visibility and persistence of Black lives
matter activists—from highway shutdowns in America's largest cities to the takeover of
presidential candidates' political rallies—have led to widespread social and political debate
about what has been dubbed “the new civil rights movement”(Freelon et al.; Jackson and …
To say that Black lives matter 1 has become both a technological and cultural phenomenon in the United States is an understatement. The hashtag and those discursively linked to it have been used more than 100 million times, and the visibility and persistence of Black lives matter activists—from highway shutdowns in America’s largest cities to the takeover of presidential candidates’ political rallies—have led to widespread social and political debate about what has been dubbed “the new civil rights movement”(Freelon et al.; Jackson and Foucault Welles,“# Ferguson”). Yet there seems to be considerable consternation among academics, journalists, and politicians about how to incorporate the standpoints of a new generation of activists into our national politics. In this essay I discuss how these activists have manifested Black feminist impulses through social media and beyond, and suggest it is the responsibility of those invested in (re) imagining a more democratic process to closely consider the radically intersectional lessons of the current movement. The Black lives matter movement can be traced to the legacy of the larger Black freedom movement, but also more recently to the work of millennial Black activist organizations like the Dream Defenders and the Black Youth Project 100 (Cohen and Jackson). Members of these organizations and the young people who align themselves with their work have come of age in a country overwhelmingly celebratory of its racial progress but silent on the lasting impact of its racial sins. Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, among others, has detailed how neoliberal color-blind politics have dangerously entrenched the American impulse to reject explicit political critiques of white supremacy as unnecessary or outmoded. Similarly, millennials have borne witness to an America claiming postfeminism alongside seemingly constant attacks on women’s bodies and bodily autonomy, and a country simultaneously moving toward greater lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) inclusion while silencing queer critiques and bodies that do not mold to the mainstream (McRobbie; Walters). Today’s racial justice activists have responded to these political contradictions with discourse and tactics both familiar and unfamiliar to members of the old guard. In particular, millennial activists have rejected the respectability politics that guided much of the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s and have turned to new technologies as tools for the promulgation and solidification of messages, nurturing a counterpublic community that centers the voices of those most often at the margins. Black Lives Matter’s organizational founders, and other members of the larger Movement for Black Lives collective, have insisted on discourses of intersectionality that value and center all Black lives, including, among others, Black women, femmes, and queer
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