Histories of Technology, the Environment and Modern Britain

This collection explores the interconnected histories of technology and the environment in the context of modern Britain, broadly speaking from the late eighteenth century to the late twentieth. It is an extra-ordinarily rich subject, and one of immense potential. The histories of technology and the environment should be considered together for two compelling reasons. First, the artificial and the natural are not separate; technologies are made from materials that have been extracted and modified from environments, while nature has, to varying extents, been engineered. Technologies are typically assemblages, most often technological systems, with components that can be material or social in character, and many of the components will have been derived, ultimately, from natural sources. Likewise, organisms have ‘become tools when human beings use them to serve human ends’. 1 This point can of course be extended to include not just organisms but modified, natural environments more generally.

1 2 are, necessarily, combinations of environmental history, history of technology, social, political and cultural histories.
In this introduction I have three aims. First, I will reflect on the historical studies of technology and environment, as applied or institutionalised in Britain. Second, I offer an eightfold categorisation of ways of intersection between environment and technology as a guide to thinking about the subject. These are: (1) environment as an input into a technological system; (2) environment as something natural made into, or a component within, a technological system; (3) environment as something changed, usually damaged, by outputs of technological process; (4) environment as something alongside an artificial world; (5) environment as something untouched by artifice; (6) environment as something represented through technology; (7) environmental knowledge as something organised by being registered with technology; and (8) environment and technologies as interconnected cultural imaginaries. Finally, I will aim to survey the relevant secondary literature and introduce the contributors' necessarily diverse chapters.

History of technology and environmental history in -and of -Britain
Even though the limitation is problematic, for reasons that will be stated, the historical understanding of the intersection of technologies and the natural environment can be begun (but certainly not finished) by considering the intersection of two specialities, the history of technology and environmental history. In the Anglophone world, a selfstyled history of technology was institutionalised in the mid-twentieth century, with relevant markers being Londoner Charles Singer's edited volumes A History of Technology (first volume 1954, eventually reaching eight tomes) and the establishment of the Society for the History of Technology in 1958 in the United States. 4 Environmental history as a speciality organised itself a little later, growing rapidly in the United States in the 1980s. Both specialities could claim a roster of scholarly ancestors, from George Perkins Marsh to Lewis Mumford.
In the 1990s, the notion that the intersection of history of technology and environmental history was a growth point was already widely held. Jeffrey Stine and Joel Tarr, in their 1998 survey article and manifesto, began with the observation that it was 'difficult to write environmental history without paying at least passing attention to technology', before arguing that a 'review of past literature reveals numerous authors 3 who have touched upon the interactions of technology and the environment, but few have pursued the topic directly'. 5 Areas of attention they found in the American literature included the environment in urban settings, public and occupational health, industry and pollution, the control of natural resources (notably water) and environmental policy and politics. 'Topics ripe for historical analysis' were also identified by Stine and Tarr. 6 The intersection has been revisited several times since, evidence of sustained historical interest. 7 But the intersection in the case of Britain might, at first glance, seem to be stymied by the apparent weakness of both fields. Take environmental history. The prominence of environmental history in the United States has begged unflattering and unfair comparisons with the state of the subject in the United Kingdom. Clapp began his survey text with the statement that the book was 'a foray into environmental history, a branch of historical writing not yet widely practiced in Britain'. 8 Luckin in 2004 noted that in Britain environmental history has 'long remained at the margin of academic debate'. 9 He accounted for this marginalisation by the constriction of working within established scholarly frameworks for understanding industrialisation, and the availability of the social history of medicine (as well as demographic and public health histories) as an 'alternative focus' for urban-environmental studies. He also identified encouraging, if disparate, signs of change, including studies of pollution (Wohl, 10 Brimblecombe, 11 Hamlin, 12 Mosley,13 to which could be added Thorsheim 14 and Winter 15 ) and of nature/ culture relations (Passmore, 16 Thomas, 17 Coates 18 ) as well as new institutional homes and sources of research funding. Nevertheless, Luckin diagnosed a 'missed opportunity', as a result of which environmental history in Britain remained 'underdeveloped'. Tim Cooper, in an online survey article for the Institute of Historical Research broadly agreed with Luckin. 19 He noted that 'historical concerns with environmental questions have originated from different historical and disciplinary circumstances in Britain', not least geography, history of the British Empire, 20 economic history, 21 and landscape studies, 22 to which should be added the distinctive and immense contribution of Oliver Rackham. 23 Furthermore, despite landmark surveys of the subject by Simmons 24 and Sheail, 25 Cooper also identified 'an apparent reluctance among environmental historians working in Britain to address the environmental transformation of the British Isles'. 26 The history of technology in the United Kingdom has attracted less direct commentary on its status and state, 27 and what there is has hardly displayed edification or a meeting of minds. 28 However, two points can be 4 made. First, history of technology has not sustained and grown its institutional presence as a singular identity in the United Kingdom compared with, say, the United States or Germany. 29 Second, and this largely accounts for the first point, history of technology has been explored in an extremely diverse set of speciality frameworks, including history of science, cultural geography, industrial archaeology, economic and social history (especially of industrialisation), economics, history of human and veterinary medicine, agricultural history, history of architecture and design and the autochthonous historiography of engineers and other technical experts. Technology, like the environment, is something that exists at many scales, and the national is not necessarily the best scale to choose as a frame of analysis. Indeed, a focus on the national has been superseded by interest in the transnational in both history of technology and environmental history.
Therefore the history of technology and environmental history in -and of -the United Kingdom is often hidden within many disciplinary specialities. This diversity is no bad thing. As Cooper writes, if 'we take the environment in both its material and cultural forms to form an important object of study regardless of disciplinary perspective, there is hope for a period of historical research that will be more holistic and integrative in approach'. 30 The same can be said of technology. But when we are surveying the intersection of environmental history and history of technology in modern Britain we are necessarily going to have to pull together and make sense of a heterogeneous collection of scholarship.

Eight types of combination
McNeill, in his environmental history of the twentieth century, organised his subject matter into spheres: a lithosphere and pedosphere of rock and soil, the atmosphere (urban, regional and global air and air pollution), the hydrosphere (water use and supply, rivers, seas, groundwater, dams, floods, wetlands and coasts), and biosphere (land use and agriculture, whaling and fishing and biodiversity), while also considering technological change specifically in three later case studies (chainsaws, automobiles and nuclear reactors). 31 Since each of the spheres also contained histories of technologies it would be possible to use this sort of classification to organise thoughts on how technology and environment have intersected in modern Britain. But such an organisation would also put the primacy on environmental categories. So, rather than divide the subject matter by spheres, I will review eight types of technology/

(1) Environment as an input into a technological system
The engineer-turned-historian Thomas P. Hughes generalised his historical investigations of the electrical power-and-light networks 32 to offer an influential historiographical model of the growth of technological systems. 33 For Hughes, technological systems 'contain messy, complex problem-solving components', which can be 'physical artefacts, such as the turbogenerators, transformers and transmission lines in electric light and power systems', organisations, legislative artefacts and when 'they are socially constructed and adapted in order to function in systems, natural resources, such as coal mines'. 34 These systems were orchestrated by 'system builders', either independent inventors (such as Edison, typically beginning with radical invention) or corporations (such as General Electric, typically focusing on conservative, cumulative invention). Engineered natural resources are part of the system -see (2) -but outside the system lay a further 'environment': A technological system usually has an environment consisting of intractable factors not under the control of system managers, but these are not all organizational. If a factor in the environment -say, a supply of energy -should come under the control of the system, it is then an interacting part of it. Over time, technological systems manage increasingly to incorporate environment into the system, thereby eliminating sources of uncertainty. 35 Take British industrial history. A system builder such as Isambard Kingdom Brunel sourced environmental inputs for his Great Western Railway. Components to which inventive focus is applied are, in Hughes' model, 'reverse salients'. The external natural environmental elements here would include coal and timber, while wooden sleepers would be classic reverse salients. Eventually (after prior experimentation with stone, which created an uncomfortable ride) sleepers were made from softwood spruce, fir or pine, imported from the Baltic, cut and laid heart-side down. 36 Timber as an input into British ship-building is discussed in this volume by Mat Paskins. 37 Sometimes the external environment to a technological system can be on immense scales. The ocean and even outer space had to be configured as safe spaces for telecommunications, as Jacob Ward shows in his chapter on the cables 6 and satellite projects of the British Post Office. 38 Another exemplary technological system, Metropolitan Board of Works' chief engineer Joseph Bazalgette's London sewers of the 1850s and 1860s, took as inputs human excreta, waste water and rain. 39 Earlier, as Christopher Hamlin has shown, developing Hughes' analysis, the would-be systems builder Edwin Chadwick was confronted by anti-systems opponents across London's political landscape during the 'pipe-and-bricks sewer war'. 40 The linkage between sewage and British agriculture has been explored by other historians. 41 My observation here is two fold. First, natural environmental inputs into technological systems can be found for all systems that make the infrastructure of modern Britain, and they have a history. Commodity history is an important source for such histories of environmental inputs. Second, we could, if we were bold, imagine an ambitious target of tracing all of these inputs through time -the result would be a substantial historical mapping of natural-technological system interfaces.
(2) Environment as something natural made into, or a component within, a technological system Arthur McEvoy offered the generalisation that 'technology is the point of interaction between the human and the natural'. 42 But the value of drawing on Hughes' work is that it qualifies McEvoy's statement in important ways. Yes, the edge of a technological system is an interface, but engineered nature is found within technology as system components as well as nature lying outside as inputs, as in (1) above, or as something for which technological systems have consequences, as in (3) below.
A fine, worked example of engineered nature within a system can be found in Daniel Schneider's history of late nineteenth-century sewage treatment in England and the United States. 43 In places such as Enfield, Exeter and Davyhulme, the application of the new science of microbiology transformed traditional practices, intensifying and simplifying biological processes to form 'industrial ecosystems', hybrids of concrete, steel, organic waste, nematode worms, and bacteria, at the centre of sewage treatment systems. 44 The 1896 invention of Donald Cameron, city surveyor of Exeter, was one example: he called it the 'septic' tank to distinguish it from the anti-septic approach of others, in which putrefaction and odours were prevented by the deliberate killing of resident micro-organisms. 45 Engineered nature is the subject of the chapters in this collection from Matthew Holmes (discussing barley) and, in a provocative and 7 critical fashion, by Dominic Berry (discussing the potato), the start, perhaps, of 'new techno-environmental histories of Britain'. 46 It is interesting to speculate what the agricultural or military history of Britain might look like if the industrialising organisms approach, deployed by Ann Greene in the case of the American Civil War, was applied to re-examine the horse as an organic, shaped component of a technological system of agricultural production or military logistics. 47 Another thought is that the technological systems approach becomes even more pertinent if we widen the 'natural' from the organic to the inorganic, in which case all components become engineered environment in source at least.
(3) Environment as something changed, usually damaged, by outputs of technological process Attention to aspects of the environment that are changed by outputs of technological process has been the dominant theme in 'impact history' scholarship that has addressed technology and the environment. Furthermore, the changes analysed have been typically negative ones: the relationship being one of pollution, degradation or destruction. A search of the span (1995-2015) of the journal Environment and History reveals that 47 per cent of papers that took Britain as their area of inquiry focused on the consequences of pollutants, including such subjects as alkali pollution in St Helens, 'copper smoke' in Llanelli, stone decay in Oxford and Exeter, smoke pollution in Liverpool, post-war English beach pollution, and the side-effects of pesticides. 48 There is a very large literature on industrial pollution, mostly urban and comparative in focus. 49 Brimblecombe set out to trace the ways 'our ancestors fouled the air' in his long history of London interior and exterior air pollution. 50 He has also, with Bowler, surveyed the subject for York. 51 Mosley showed how 'Manchester, once fêted as the "symbol of a new age", had come to epitomise the grimy, polluted industrial city: it was … "the chimney of the world" '; it was also a site where, by the 1840s, 'vegetation was all but banished from the city centre' and the term 'acid rain' was coined in 1872. 52 Bill Luckin has examined the politics of the polluted Thames of the nineteenth century, while Leslie Wood has described the technical means and measurement of partial twentieth-century restoration. 53 There are destructive impact histories from soil erosion 54 to workers' bodies 55 to whole landscapes. 56 Positive or neutral tones are rare. 57 We might also include the impacts of failures of technological systems here, as well as the consequences of working technological systems noted 8 above. The flood defences of Eastern England, for example, were most certainly a technological system, albeit an assemblage of relatively low technologies such as earthen banks and concrete walls, before the 1953 devastation that claimed the lives of 307 on land. 58 The Thames Barrier is a high-tech response, or 'technological fix' as analysed by Matthew Kelly in his chapter. 59 Likewise, Shane Ewen has argued, in his study of Sheffield's Great Flood of 1864, which claimed over 250 lives, that much more attention should be paid to the engineering politics as they intersected with other social interests in histories of municipal water supply. 60 Some of the literature has been careful to show that the influence has been two-way, while still focusing on the downstream, negative consequences of technological change. The social and political response to negative changes has been an integral part of this literature on pollution. Frick traced the nineteenth-century smoke abatement movement. 61 Anti-noise campaigns in the twentieth century have been described by Bijsterveld 62 and Agar. 63 Indeed the literature on the rise of the conservation and environmental movements can be placed here. 64 The 'paradox of technology, that environmental disruption is brought about by the industrial economy, but that advancement of the industrial economy has also been and will be a main route to environmental quality' reminds us that technologies were deployed in response to pollution or degradation. 65 There is a history here of water filters, smokeless fuels, 66 the separator device (introduced in 1926) that kept oil from bilge water, 67 the emergency oxygenation barges of the Thames, 68 and so on, much of it to be written.
The impacts of technologies are discussed in several chapters of this book, but form the focus of Ralph Harrington's chapter on the bulldozer, as both historical agent and metaphor, Tim Cole's chapter on the automobile, and Jessica van Horssen's account of the 'contamination chain' of asbestos from Canadian mines to Manchester council housing. 69 An interesting contrast to these destructive impacts is Jennifer Wallis' analysis of nineteenth-century 'aerotherapy', the marketing of which presented a 'harmonious relationship between modern machinery and "natural" landscapes'. 70 (4) Environment as something alongside an artificial world Let's do some weed theory. The notion that weeds were plants out-ofplace (in Mary Douglas-esque terms) was commonplace by the nineteenth century. 71 This classification depends on both the existence of 9 cultural boundaries (of garden or cereal field, say) but also the agency of organisms to transgress such boundaries. There are longue durée histories of weeds from ice age glacial moraine to opportunist colonisers of Neolithic fields and middens (such as fat-hen Chenopodium album). There are medium-term histories of weeds travelling as part of the Columbian exchange as a constituent in the formation of neo-Europes. 72 And there are histories of weeds that properly fall into later, modern periods, such as the arrival of Japanese knotweed in Victorian times, ironically popularised by the champion of the 'wild garden', William Robinson, in the 1880s, which became a notorious weed in the late twentieth century (costing, to take one example, an estimated £70 million to clear from the London Olympic site at Stratford). 73 The intricate interplay of technological systems -roads, railways, buildings, canals and so on -creates a pattern of edges within which organisms grow. These weeds aren't transgressors in quite the same way that infuriates the gardener. Some are encouraged by the flow of substances through technological systems. Take, for example, the Danish scurvygrass (Cochlearia danica) that has spread from seaside to inland roadsides on the outwash of salt and grit applied as de-icer. 74 Or the nettles that spring up from nutrient-saturated ground, the product of fertiliser run-off from industrial arable farming and phosphates from household detergents. 75 Such an interaction of technological system and environment might better be classed under point (3) above.
But other weeds are more strictly just adaptive generalists, whose evolved strategies for propagation fit the niches of technological edgelands. Indeed, we might think through the weeds of modern Britain in a different way. The point is not that there is unexpected impact (as invasive species) or meaning (as cultural category) that would justify historical/ sociological attention, but that there isn't -uncannily so. Therefore start from the observation of the uncanny unimportance of weeds. Human-built, artificial technological systems are set up so that nature is unimportant. 76 Great effort is expended to produce the smooth urban surfaces -hard surfaces with minimal cracks to make infrastructures resistant to weeds. Edgerton, in The Shock of the Old, rightly argues that historians of technology should pay far more attention to maintenance than they currently do. 77 'That we neglect maintenance when we think and write about our technology', he writes, 'is an instance of the great gulf there is between our everyday understanding of our dealing with things and the formal understandings in … our histories.' 78 The examples he gives are all of mechanical maintenance: the repair of cars and aeroplanes. What he misses is the fact that maintenance is 1 0 one of the activities most central to policing the boundaries of nature and technological system, and a proper subject for intersecting environmental history and history of technology. The places where this vigilant, systematic maintenance against nature is relaxed (and even then only partially) are significant -the selective growths of gardens and arable agriculture -and are where weeds are most powerfully meaningful. Type (4) interactions are certainly not confined to the botanical. Indeed this is where we might place the environmental history of the commensal organisms of modern Britain, from the mammals (e.g. the brown rat and urban fox) and birds (the feral pigeon, 79 which moved from its restricted niche of sea cliffs to the artificial rockscape of city centres), to micro-organisms (consider the interactions of the Legionella bacterium with the technological system of cooling towers and air-conditioning, 80 or other ecologies of bacteria with the technological systems of antibiotic use in medicine and veterinary practice).

(5) Environment as something untouched by artifice
It is a cliché of the environmental history of (modern) Britain that there is no wilderness, no landscape that has not been shaped to some degree, usually profoundly, by human activities. 81 Many commentators have also noted that wilderness was a key concept for emerging environmental history in the United States, as well as being a critical site for its second wave. 82 Putting these two points together can be part of the explanation for why environmental history has not thrived in Britain. 83 So it might seem that this category, of environment as something untouched by artifice, will have little application in our context. But, as Esa Ruuskanen shows in his chapter for this collection, Irish boglands were perceived as unspoilt frontiers, wastelands in need of commercial exploitation, by English observers in the late eighteenth century. 84 Furthermore, the very conditions that allow the cliché to exist -the widely held view that there are unspoiled parts of the land -mean that wilderness, or something like it, does have a relevant history as a cultural construct in modern Britain. The 'something like it' is, of course, 'countryside'. However much farmed, industrialised, and home to technologies (low and high) of all sorts, 'countryside' was still available to be mobilised as a category in opposition to city, urbanity, materialism and so on. The list of course is long, and has been the focus of one of the most important early types of environmental historymanqué: the cultural studies of Raymond Williams. 85 More recently, the deleterious effects of English rural nostalgia have been the subject of historians' debate. 86 The 1 1 contrast between the Quantock hills as a past landscape of poets and as a new 'windscreen wilderness' as seen from the car are the subject of Tim Cole's analysis in this collection. 87 Furthermore, beyond rurality and countryside, 'wilderness' itself has been occasionally mobilised, not least, as Rachel Woodward and Marianna Dudley have discussed, by military authorities in relation to land they have possessed, such as Salisbury Plain. ' "Wilderness", the quality that first attracted the military to many of its training areas', notes Dudley, 'had been preserved by the military, at first by serendipity, and in more recent years by military-environmentalism' (in other words the deployment of environmental framings for military ends). 88 She follows Woodward in insisting that this wilderness aspect is not a given but a construction, a portrayal of the countryside used by the army to justify occupation. 89 A tiny creature, the fairy shrimp, a crustacean that breeds in the brief puddles that fill the ruts made by tank tracks, is the poster beast of military-environmentalism. 90 The surprising military origins of another form of environmentalism, environmental concerns as a tool of diplomacy, are revealed in the chapter in this collection by Simone Turchetti. 91 As he demonstrates, NATO's environmental programme, shaped by British governmental advisers, was prompted by the UK's 'worst ever oil spill disaster', a pollution of the wilderness of the sea: the 1967 Torrey Canyon breach on rocks between Cornwall and the Isles of Scilly.

(6) Environment as something represented through technology
Media technologies, especially print, photography (from the midnineteenth century), recorded sound (from the 1870s), broadcast radio (from the 1920s), television (from the 1950s), the world wide web (from the 1990s) and social media (2000s), have been means of representing the environment in modern Britain. As such they form one type of intersection between environment and technology. There are histories here of production, transmission and consumption. 92 The polymath environmentalist and civil servant Max Nicholson collaborated with Ludwig Koch to produce 78 rpm records of wild bird song in the 1930s. 93 Natural history film-making, to take an extended example, has a distinguished history of production in Britain. Born into a farming family, his father also a gamekeeper, Cherry Kearton began using the new 'scientific invention', the motion picture camera, to film birds in 1903. 94 He had previously provided photographs 'taken direct from nature' to illustrate his brother's book, British Birds' Nests (1895). 1 2 He took his camera abroad, filming in British East Africa (1909,1910 95 Televisual authority -in Gouyon's terms the 'telenaturalist' -had to be carefully crafted, and distinguished from ethologists, such as Konrad Lorenz and Niko Tinbergen, whose authority came from science and the printed word. 96 While movie cameras may be specially adapted for natural history film-making, the mediating technologies here (camera-darkroomediting, room-transport-cinema projection for movie pictures; camera-darkroom-editing, room-radio transmission-television set for television) are largely unchanged by the fact that the mediated content was natural historical in character. They were not designed specifically to represent aspects of the environment. This feature distinguishes these mediating technologies from those in the next category.

(7) Environmental knowledge as something organised by being registered with technology
Interactions of types (6) and (7) are both forms of representation. Nature when it is mediated as in type (6) is certainly shaped -features are selected, a mediating frame is imposed, and so on. In type (7) this goes further: the technological system involved is expressly designed to register and represent aspects of the environment as data and ultimately as knowledge. Such technological systems include the central working tools of conservation and environmental management.
Historiographically, this topic falls within the intersection of history of technology, environmental history and, since it concerns systematised knowledge, history of science. 97 It would include the development of natural historical practices of classification, which in the modern period would include the acceptance, development and use of the eighteenthcentury Linnaean system, the cartography of the Ordnance Survey and the Hydrographic Office, the ways of seeing and recording practices of natural historical societies (paying attention to the identities of 'amateurs' and 'professionals' as they came into focus in the later nineteenth century 98 ), the role of instruments 99 and model organisms, 100 the work of museums, 101 and, vitally for the twentieth century, the government 1 3 bureaucracies of environmental management as they co-developed with the campaigning work of civil society bodies. Modern Britain is a landscape overlaid with virtual classifications (7 per cent of land in England, to take one country, are Sites of Special Scientific Interest, SSSIs, while other acronyms -AONBs, NNRs, SPAs, SACs -go further 102 ), many with Biodiversity Action Plans. Indeed, noticing one of the most significant ways that the natural environment and technological systems intersect in modern Britain requires us to recognise bureaucracy as a technological system. 103 I have explored elsewhere the consequences of central government being both metaphorically presented as machine-like and being an organisation of clerical work that has itself been mechanised. 104 John Sheail, more than any other historian, has traced the development of conservation as an interplay of government and non-governmental organisations, although not from a history of technology perspective. 105 Thomas Turnbull, in his chapter, shows how computer models of environmental impact, a new form of systematised knowledge in the early 1970s, were received and criticised by British politicians and bureaucrats. 106 It is crucial to put history of technology into the historical accounts of conservation and environmental management. A fine example that demonstrates why it matters is Jennifer Hubbard's work on the North Atlantic environment. She shows that fisheries biologists, from around 1900, first approached the marine environment in ways that were both framed by understandings of the terrestrial environment, but also decisively shaped by the technological systems of measurement at their disposal. 107 As these technologies changed, for example with scuba gear and undersea cameras in the 1950s, so were enabled different conceptions of the marine environment. Other British environments have similar, important histories to tell.

(8) Environment and technologies as interconnected cultural imaginaries
The final type of interaction is imaginative. Environmental components, especially organisms, can be sources of inspiration for new technologies. The theme here is not engineering as a mode of approach to lifealthough that is important elsewhere and has been explored by historians, mostly of the American life and human sciences 108 -but instead, as Peter Coates puts it: 'Rather than posing the question "can technology improve nature?" let us inquire, "can nature improve technology?" ' 109 This has been popularised under the title 'biomimicry', but a historian's 1 4 caution is needed. 'Various aspects of how technologies are naturalized by learning from nature require more rigorous investigation than they currently receive in biomimics' writings,' notes Coates; these 'include the character of the inspirational role that advocates of biomimicry claim for natural substances and processes; the relationship between "naturfact" and "artifact"; and the attitude toward non-human nature of the natureinspired inventor'. He re-examined key cases: the nineteenth-century invention of barbed wire and the spines of the osage orange; the Wright Brothers and bird flight; and the Swiss electrical engineer George de Mestral and the invention of Velcro based on burdock burrs. Also, most relevant in a British context are the imaginative relationships between the giant, extraordinary Victoria regia leaf and the 1840s-1850s glasshouse designs of Joseph Paxton. 110 We don't really know how typical such a mode of engineering imagination has been. At present, the historical writing on this theme is patchy. But, on reflection, this category could and should be expanded. I have tended to take 'modern' in a minimal fashion, a mere period container. But the modern is also a substantial cultural construct. The simultaneous invocation of environment and technology is distinctive of imagery of modern Britain -think of the 'motoring pastoral' of Shell's County Guides. 111 It could be found, for example, in the centrepiece of the Festival of Britain of 1951, the Dome of Discovery (see also Tim Cole's chapter here 112 ); it is discussed by David Matless in this volume in his chapter on the representation of environment and technologies in the Science Museum's iconic Agriculture Gallery, recently dismantled. 113 Yet the general history of the environmental and technological 'modern' cultural imaginary in Britain has yet to be written. David Nye wrote of a distinctive American 'technological sublime', in which the awe of the human-built world was grafted on to that of the natural. 114 Has there been such a thing as a British envirotechnological sublime? If not, why not?

Conclusion
In this chapter I have tried to provide an overview of the historiography of environmental history and history of technology as they intersect and as they relate broadly to modern Britain. In particular, I have offered an eightfold typology that maps the ways that technology and environment might be considered to interact, and show how some existing historical 1 5 writing and arguments might fit within such a rubric. 115 The objective was to reveal some of the patterns of this historiography while also suggesting some ways forward. I am convinced that the intersection is an important and exciting focus for further work. In particular, there is the opportunity to write a new envirotechnical history of infrastructures, organisms, cities and countrysides. The chapters of this volume illustrate some ways that such history might be uncovered. I will finish with a couple of provisos. First, it is clear that for many potential subjects a combination of types of interaction will be present -and, indeed, such promiscuity is to be expected. For example, a combined environmental and technological history of an event such as the 1953 North Sea flood or the 1976 drought would have nearly all types of interaction at play. 116 Second, there will be subjects that are important but should not be hammered into these categories like square pegs into round holes. Where, for example, does hunting with guns fit? As a frame for later film-making it might be described under (6), but a bullet hitting a woodpigeon is hardly a case of mere mediated representation! As a source of conservation and environmental politics, certainly, as argued by Sheail in his discussion of the shooting of seabirds for white feathers at Flamborough Head in the 1830s, it is allied to topics I have placed in (3) and (7). 117 As an aspect of British imperial identity the subject connects, rightly, to a broader cultural history. 118 It is also part of the politics of country and city, mentioned under (5). 119 Hunting with guns could be squeezed into (3), the hunted target understood as part of the natural environment that is damaged by the outputs of a technological process. Perhaps, in such cases, we can see the typology not as a one-size-fits-all classification but as a tool for the historiographical imagination, suggesting relations we had not previously considered.
Chapters in this collection explore the intersections of technological systems (from construction work to housing, from roads to satellites, from farms to flood barriers) and environments (from woods to cities, from boglands to outer space). Engineered nature is discussed by contributors, from the atmosphere in nineteenth-century air baths to new crop varieties of barley and potato. The representation of environments is also analysed, from agricultural land and technology in museum displays to the simulations of early and controversial computer models. But the hope is that this collection will also inspire. There is so much still to be researched about the intertwined histories of technologies and the environment in modern Britain.