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  • Beyond Segregation: Multiracial and Multiethnic Neighborhoods in the United States
  • John Iceland
Beyond Segregation: Multiracial and Multiethnic Neighborhoods in the United States By Michael T. MalyTemple University Press, 2005. 278 pages. $68.50 (cloth), $22.95 (paper)

Michael T. Maly, an Associate Professor of Sociology at Roosevelt University in Chicago, has written an interesting and enjoyable book on multiracial and multiethnic neighborhoods in the United States. While much social scientific literature rightly problematizes the extent and persistence of residential segregation in American cities, Maly's goal is to shine a light on the presence – and growing prominence – of integrated neighborhoods. He notes that urban sociology traditionally emphasizes the inevitable pattern of neighborhood racial [End Page 1444] transition through the process of "invasion" and "succession" of outside groups (either through the growth of minority populations or through gentrification) that leads to resegregation. Maly argues that many neighborhoods are, however, experiencing stable integration.

More specifically, the thesis of his book is two-fold: 1.) racially and ethnically integrated neighborhoods not only exist but can be maintained, stabilized and promoted through local strategies; and 2.) vast demographic shifts in the racial and ethnic composition of the United States are leading to new types of integrated multiethnic and multiracial communities, often unplanned and relatively stable. The heart of the book consists of three case studies of integrated neighborhoods: Uptown in Chicago, Jackson Heights in New York City and San Antonio-Fruitvale in Oakland. For each of these, Maly provides some historical background, charts the current racial, ethnic and economic mix, then discusses local tensions, challenges and ultimately the collaborative efforts by community organizations to address common issues (such as commercial revitalization, youth development, and image maintenance). These joint community efforts often then help sustain stable integration.

The book has several strengths. Principal among them is that it highlights important social and demographic processes occurring in the United States. If anything, issues accompanying the rise of the multiracial and multiethnic neighborhoods in these three immigrant gateway cities will likely be increasingly felt in metropolitan areas across the country. A number of studies over the past few years have documented how immigrants are now settling in nontraditional immigrant areas, such as in Georgia, Utah and North Carolina. These places are now grappling with the linguistic, cultural and socioeconomic diversity that accompanies the rise of multiethnic communities.

The writing is also clear and engaging. The study is strengthened by the combination of contextual data from outside sources such as the U.S. Census Bureau with resident narratives and the author's observations and qualitative research. The arguments presented are generally nuanced and balanced, such as when Maly acknowledges that stable integration is more clearly demonstrated in San Antonio-Fruitvale than Jackson Heights or Uptown.

Despite these strengths, there are still a couple of weaknesses in Maly's analysis. For one, while it is useful to illustrate cases in which stable integration has occurred, it might have been as useful to provide a detailed counterpoint – such as a neighborhood that had potential for integration that was never realized. Such a counterpoint would help highlight the factors that are both pivotal for achieving integration and those that hinder the process.

Second, it is not altogether convincing that the neighborhoods highlighted in the book will remain stably integrated. Continued high levels of immigration may contribute to future changes in these neighborhoods, such as Jackson Heights where the Hispanic population is beginning to dominate. In addition, while the racial and ethnic groups in these areas live in close proximity, Maly acknowledges and describes some sharp group cleavages – particularly in Uptown and Jackson Heights. In these two areas there are important socioeconomic differences across groups, with whites being more affluent, and these differences often lead to competing interests. For example, less affluent minorities are more often [End Page 1445] concerned with the availability of affordable housing for renters while white homeowners are often seeking to raise their property values.

Perhaps, though, Maly is correct in asserting that the racial dynamic in these areas is different than in the past. For one, race and socioeconomic status are not as strongly correlated as before. Race relations, while tense, are perhaps not necessarily...

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