This article argues in favor of a new type of Merge, Parallel Merge,
which combines the properties of External Merge and Internal Merge.
Parallel Merge creates symmetric, multidominant structures, which
become antisymmetric in the course of the derivation. The main empirical
goal of the article is to revive a multidominance approach to
across-the-board wh-questions and to show that a number of otherwise
puzzling properties of across-the-board questions follow naturally
from such an account.
The comparative correlative construction (The more you eat, the fatter
you get) has received sporadic attention in the literature, with few
concrete results when it comes to our understanding of the syntax of the
construction. This article analyzes comparative correlatives as wellbehaved,
crosslinguistically consistent correlative constructions whose
initial clause is a relative clause adjoined to the second clause, which
functions as the root of the construction. Examining comparative correlative
data from a variety of languages, the article subjects the internal
structure of the construction's two clauses to careful scrutiny, as
well as the microscopic structure of the comparative-headed constituents
introducing the two clauses.
The traditional view of the null subject as pro identified by Agr (the
φ-features of I) cannot be maintained in a theory where Agr is uninterpretable.
Two hypotheses are compared with regard to the predictions
they make for Finnish null subject constructions: (A) Agr is interpretable
in null subject languages, and pro is therefore redundant; (B) null
subjects are specified but unpronounced pronouns that assign values
to the uninterpretable features of Agr. Since Finnish observes the Extended
Projection Principle and has an expletive pronoun, Hypothesis
A predicts that null subjects should cooccur with expletives. The prediction
is false, favoring B over A. A typology of null subjects is
proposed: Null bound pronouns and null generic pronouns in partial
null subject languages, including Finnish, are D-less φPs, and so are
null subjects in consistent null subject languages with Agr, such as
Spanish and Greek. Null 1st and 2nd person subjects in Finnish are
DPs that are deleted. Null pronouns in languages without Agr, such
as Chinese and Japanese, are the only true instances of pro, aminimally
specified null noun.
Tagalog, wh-agreement, Condition on Extraction Domain,
phases, successive cyclicity
In this article, we examine evidence for the phase theory of movement
(Chomsky 2000, 2001) in the context of Tagalog, arguing in particular
that Tagalog has overt morphology that signals movement of arguments
to checkan EPP-feature on the head of the vP phase. We show
that this morphology interacts with extraction in ways Chomsky's
theory leads us to expect, and we develop a theory of the Tagalog
facts that also accounts for the effects of Huang's (1982) Condition
on Extraction Domain.
word structure, Principle of Locality of Selection, antisymmetry,
phrasal movement, pied-piping, Mirror Principle violations,
agreement, low and high merger of Focus
This article concentrates on Sells's (1995) arguments against the syntactic
view that words are built in the syntax, and it develops a syntactic
account that yields a parsimonious account of the properties of "morphological
units." Inflected words in Korean (and Japanese) are derived
syntactically from head-initial structures by phrasal movement.
Properties of words follow from regular syntactic principles and phonological
properties of affixes. Agreement can be triggered under piedpiping.
Word structure interacts with scope (Lee 2004, 2005), arguing
for the presence of case affixes in the narrow syntax.