Lincoln the President: Last Full Measure (review)

Book Reviews EDITED BY CHARLES T. MILLER B-Il University Hall Iowa City, Iowa Lincoln the President: Last Full Measure. By J. G. Randall and Richard N. Current. (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company. 1955. Pp. xiv, 421. $7.50.) this is the fourth and concluding volume of the distinguished biography Lincoln the President, completed after the death of J. G. Randall by Richard N. Current, now of the University of North Carolina and formerly a colleague of the late author at the University of Rlmois. Mr. Current, the author of Old Thad Stevens: A Story of Ambition, wrote the final eight chapters of the present volume mainly from Mr. Randall's notes and suggested list of chapter topics. In following his predecessor's techniques and interpretations, Mr. Current has succeeded unbelievably well; there is no break in continuity, although there are naturally subtíe differences. The first two volumes, Springfield to Gettysburg, appeared as a unit in 1945. The third, Midstream, came in 1952 and brought the story to December, 1863. This final volume deals with events from the President's announcement of his reconstruction policy to his departure for the tragic evening at Ford's Theatre. Mr. Randall did not intend to treat the assassination and collateral events — a point on which he was definite in his plans for the entire work. Like its three companions, Last Full Measure integrates Lincoln with his background; it is both his biography and the history of his times. The arrangement is topical within a loose chronological framework. Against the backdrop of the historic stage on which he played the leading role, Lincoln moved uninhibited throughout the drama, often in the spotìight but frequentìy behind the scenes. The President is cast and recast as the authors consider a myriad of varied topics: executive reconstruction, foreign relations, the Chase presidential bubble, the renomination and reelection, abortive peace negotiations, military activities, the thirteenth amendment, Congress at work, and Lincoln's 113 114CIVIL WAR HISTORY religious faith — to enumerate but a few of the major areas studied. Two of these are singled out for comment here. Lincoln's reconstruction program called for the use of the political structures of the estranged states. The ten percent formula was designed as the rallying point for those unionists who might remain inactive without a specific plan of procedure. The immediate purpose was to begin the movement. Lincoln's willingness to accept a state government based on ten percent of the 1860 electorate did not indicate that he favored minority rule. In his opinion time was precious in re-cementing the nation, and as a practical means a loyal nucleus, however small, was essential. The plan was to administer temporarily in a kind of trust arrangement the rights of the loyal majority until such time as this group could take over. To the Chief Executive reconstruction was a matter of steps, a movement from the attainable imperfect to the hoped-for goal of perfection. Rebuild a few states during the war, a factor which in itself would be important in waging and ending the war, and let Southerners see for themselves that the President did not intend a retaliatory policy. Liberal peace planning must proceed swiftly; otherwise, victory with the inevitable military occupation and attendant repressive attitudes would lose much of its worth. Lincoln was planning for the years ahead when Southerners would take over their state administrations under democratic principles, and the ten percent rallying point was but the first step in this long-range and far-sighted plan. And the President firmly believed his plan would work, never doubting that in settled times unionists would be in the emphatic majority. Keenly aware of his limitations in the realm of international affairs, Lincoln consistently left foreign problems to his Secretary of State, William H. Seward. To a friend the President admitted that he had not one personal acquaintance in Europe; to another he confided that he knew nothing of the law of nations, and again came the unsolicited statement that his knowledge of the history of foreign countries was severely limited. Nor did the foreign diplomats and spokesmen — in the beginning, at least — expect much of Lincoln...