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  • Bad for Democracy: How the Presidency Undermines the Power of the People
  • George McJimsey
Bad for Democracy: How the Presidency Undermines the Power of the People. By Dana D. Nelson. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. 2008.

Dana Nelson argues not against the president's constitutional office but against "presidentialism," a myth that defines the president as both guardian of democracy and leader of the nation. The myth was born in George Washington's elaborate ceremonial events and nurtured by following presidents until it gained momentum in the twentieth century. Woodrow Wilson introduced the idea of the presidential mandate, whereby voting for president meant supporting all his policies. Franklin D. Roosevelt used emergency powers to enlarge national power. John F. Kennedy added public relations heroism and Ronald Reagan proclaimed the president as the embodiment of a great and good nation.

Nelson departs from her mythic framework to offer structural explanations for the growing authority of the presidency. The rise of political parties and the expansion of [End Page 142] the franchise reduced citizen influence on government because politicians asked only for a citizen's vote and not their advice. The secret ballot reduced the influence of party pressure but allowed the president to ask directly for a "mandate." Presidential use of war powers militarized politics and encouraged partisan struggles that undercut movements for social reform. Recently, presidents have asserted a "unitary executive," under which the president controls all administrative agencies, including those intended by Congress to be independent. An extension of this power, first articulated by Richard Nixon, was that the president could commit no illegal act. The tools that implemented the unitary executive reduced local, citizen-based decision making. Free trade agreements have overturned local economic policies and practices. The result has created a culture of "rational choice theory" and free market capitalism that stresses individualism over collective, democratic action.

To recapture democracy, Nelson's advocates "open systems" that invite large numbers to join and contribute. As models, she suggests internet "wikis," the most notable example of which is Wikipedia, and "time banks," where persons perform community service in exchange for "time dollars" that can be used to "buy" services from other community members. The key to the success of such systems is diversity: groups composed of different types will act more harmoniously and will make better decisions than groups of one type. She proceeds to consider various methods of putting this conception into operation.

Nelson draws upon the writings of political scientists, historians, economists and legal theorists to argue her case. Her use of these sources seems to be reasonable, although she provides no notes with specific citations.

This book usefully portrays the increase in presidential power. Still, it is hard to see that all assertions of presidential power have been anti-democratic. Many New Deal programs operated according to "grass roots democracy" and presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Johnson enabled local groups fighting for civil rights. Nelson might also have considered such long-standing institutions as the New England town meeting and the League of Women Voters programs for civic improvement and consensus decision making. A consideration of these examples would have lent greater complexity and substance to her analysis.

George McJimsey
Iowa State University
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