Project MUSE®: The Maghreb Review - Latest Articles
https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/859
Project MUSE®: Latest articles in The Maghreb Review.daily12026-05-15T00:00:00-05:00text/htmlen-USVol. 34 (2009) through current issueLatest Articles: The Maghreb ReviewTWOProject MUSE®The Maghreb Review2754-67720309-457XLatest articles in The Maghreb Review. Feed provided by Project MUSE®Geopolitics of Turkey/Türkiye and the role of its army in the 21st century
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987521
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The importance of the army and the military institution in Turkey/Türkiye historically takes on a unique dimension, both during the Republican era and during the Ottoman Empire, which marks a line of continuity.1 In addition, Turkey/Türkiye, due to the significance of its geographical location, is a country at the crossroads of several geographical and geopolitical areas: the Mediterranean, Eastern Europe, the Black Sea, the Caspian Sea, Central Asia, the Middle East, and Africa.Taking into consideration the Global Firepower 2025 ranking, the Turkish army is ranked as one of the most powerful armies, and it is placed in the top ten. Indeed, Turkey is ranked 9 of 145 out of the countries considered for the annual
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Project MUSE®https://muse.jhu.edu/2026-05-15T00:00:00-05:00https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/859/image/coversmallGeopolitics of Turkey/Türkiye and the role of its army in the 21st century2026-04-02text/htmlen-USGeopolitics of Turkey/Türkiye and the role of its army in the 21st century2026-04-022026TWOProject MUSE®661482026-05-15T00:00:00-05:002026-04-02Anatomy of the Fall of the Ba’ th Regime in Syria
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987522
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From 1970 until 2000, Hafez al-Assad from the Alawi community ruled Syria through a system of repression and patrimonial networks, which aimed to promote and maintain the Ba’th Party tradition of socialist and secular ideology.1 Hafez al-Assad, who took power in 1970, drafted a new constitution in 1973 ‘removing the requirement that the president must be a Muslim’.2 Although Hafez discouraged sectarian discourse in the country, he ruled through his extended family. For the first time in their history, the Alawi community were in the ascendency.3 His brother, Rifa’t al-Assad, commanded Syria’s infamous Defence Detachment (al-Saraya al Difa’) until he led a failed coup attempt in 1983.4 Rifa’t was exiled and he
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Project MUSE®https://muse.jhu.edu/2026-05-15T00:00:00-05:00https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/859/image/coversmallAnatomy of the Fall of the Ba’ th Regime in Syria2026-04-02text/htmlen-USAnatomy of the Fall of the Ba’ th Regime in Syria2026-04-022026TWOProject MUSE®1025962026-05-15T00:00:00-05:002026-04-02Saudi Arabia and the Arab-Israeli Peace Process: From the Fahd Plan to Normalization?
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987523
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The Camp David Accords in 1978 and the subsequent Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty was monumental for the Middle East as it was the first peace agreement to be signed between Israel and an Arab state. It was rejected by the bulk of the Arab states however as it was interpreted as a separate bilateral agreement that was at their expense and that of the Palestinians. Egypt was subsequently expelled from the Arab League, with the League’s headquarters moved from Cairo to Tunis.Following the Camp David Accords, Saudi Arabia attempted to play a greater role in the Arab-Israeli peace process. In August 1981, Crown Prince Fahd bin Abdulaziz Al Saud put forward a diplomatic plan which for the first time, implicitly signaled
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Project MUSE®https://muse.jhu.edu/2026-05-15T00:00:00-05:00https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/859/image/coversmallSaudi Arabia and the Arab-Israeli Peace Process: From the Fahd Plan to Normalization?2026-04-02text/htmlen-USSaudi Arabia and the Arab-Israeli Peace Process: From the Fahd Plan to Normalization?2026-04-022026TWOProject MUSE®800312026-05-15T00:00:00-05:002026-04-02The Failure of the ‘Peace Orthodoxy’: a Critical Review of the Israel–Palestine Peace Process
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987524
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Britain was the first international power that attempted to solve the conflict in Palestine. During its rule in the country as a Mandatory power (1918–1948) it was looking for a way to reconcile its promise to create a Jewish State in Palestine with its obligation to grant independence to the indigenous majority population of Palestinians.All the British endeavours failed dismally. None of its proposals for a solution were ever accepted by both sides and quite often most of them were rejected by everyone concerned.The options for a solution were not limitless – Palestine could either be a state for all or be divided into two. The UN which took over the attempts to solve the conflict between the Zionist movement and
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Project MUSE®https://muse.jhu.edu/2026-05-15T00:00:00-05:00https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/859/image/coversmallThe Failure of the ‘Peace Orthodoxy’: a Critical Review of the Israel–Palestine Peace Process2026-04-02text/htmlen-USThe Failure of the ‘Peace Orthodoxy’: a Critical Review of the Israel–Palestine Peace Process2026-04-022026TWOProject MUSE®277582026-05-15T00:00:00-05:002026-04-02The ‘Association for the Support of Committees Fighting Repression in Morocco’. A Transnational Historical Source for Studying the Years of Lead
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987525
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This research is part of an ongoing research project titled ‘Memory of Feminist Political Activism During the Years of Lead in Morocco (1970–1980)’, or ‘Rafikat’ for short. It is led by the research group Ixbilia from the Universidad de Sevilla (Spain). The project’s main objective is to collect the testimonies of women who were young political activists in the 1970s, and therefore to recover and preserve the memory of an important period in Morocco’s recent history.Over the past 20 years, especially after the enthronement of King Muhammad VI (1999–), the new political conditions have favoured a more open discussion of the political repression that the country experienced during the reign of his father, King Hassan
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Project MUSE®https://muse.jhu.edu/2026-05-15T00:00:00-05:00https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/859/image/coversmallThe ‘Association for the Support of Committees Fighting Repression in Morocco’. A Transnational Historical Source for Studying the Years of Lead2026-04-02text/htmlen-USThe ‘Association for the Support of Committees Fighting Repression in Morocco’. A Transnational Historical Source for Studying the Years of Lead2026-04-022026TWOProject MUSE®565072026-05-15T00:00:00-05:002026-04-02Visual Resistance and Cultural Sovereignty: Amazigh Cinema in Postcolonial North Africa
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987526
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Amazigh filmmakers across Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia have transformed the cinema from a place of entertainment into a site of cultural resistance and political expression. Following independence, Maghrebi states implemented Arabization policies that established Modern Standard Arabic as the sole official language, excluded Tamazight from education and administration, and rewrote national histories to erase pre-Arab identities (Chafik, 2000). Justified through pan-Arab nationalism, these policies marginalized the Amazigh languages spoken by roughly one-third of North Africans (Ennaji, 2005), suppressed cultural practices (Saad-Zoy & Bouchard, 2010), and denied constitutional recognition until Morocco (2011) and
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Project MUSE®https://muse.jhu.edu/2026-05-15T00:00:00-05:00https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/859/image/coversmallVisual Resistance and Cultural Sovereignty: Amazigh Cinema in Postcolonial North Africa2026-04-02text/htmlen-USVisual Resistance and Cultural Sovereignty: Amazigh Cinema in Postcolonial North Africa2026-04-022026TWOProject MUSE®1025132026-05-15T00:00:00-05:002026-04-02From Soft Power to the Appropriation of Arab Cinema: Gulf Countries’ Cinema Policies
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987527
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Cinema came rather late in this renewed cultural transformation, gradually emerging in the 2000s, first through coproductions and screening with Qatar and the Emirates appearing as forerunners, while Saudi Arabia took part later in that move. Gulf films started to appear on both the local and the global scene in the 2010, just as a few decades earlier Gulf singers gradually imposed the notion of khaleeji pop (Nedjat-Haiem 2023). From the first steps of relatively young Gulf directors in the early 2010s to the flooding of international platforms with Gulf films and TV shows in the mid-2020s, a significant evolution has taken place, that entails impressive financial and intellectual means put into the development of
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Project MUSE®https://muse.jhu.edu/2026-05-15T00:00:00-05:00https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/859/image/coversmallFrom Soft Power to the Appropriation of Arab Cinema: Gulf Countries’ Cinema Policies2026-04-02text/htmlen-USFrom Soft Power to the Appropriation of Arab Cinema: Gulf Countries’ Cinema Policies2026-04-022026TWOProject MUSE®480522026-05-15T00:00:00-05:002026-04-02