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    Public disengagement from representative parliamentary politics, and from experts of all kinds, is evident globally and in Ireland. This distancing of the public from political leadership is particularly important in the field of constitutional politics. The prospect of a possible future united Ireland has re-emerged as a focus of contention since Brexit. It raises foundational and emotive questions as to the nature of society, state and political authority on which there is no consensus across the island. Notwithstanding the Irish government&amp;#39;s Shared Island initiative, and the work of academics and research bodies who have explored the forms and frameworks of a possible future united Ireland,1 we do not know much 
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  <title>Who is Better Off? Updated Cross-Border Differences in Living Standards, Opportunities and Quality of Life on the Island of Ireland</title>
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    Interest in North&amp;#x2013;South economic comparisons has intensified in recent years, driven by Brexit, the work of the Shared Island Unit and ongoing debates about constitutional change. These developments have placed renewed emphasis on understanding differences in living standards, opportunities and well-being across the island of Ireland. This issue is central to informed public debate and future policy decisions.Our earlier study provided a baseline comparison across various metrics including income, education and health.1 Since then, the economic and social landscape has shifted significantly. Strong growth in the Republic of Ireland, Brexit-related disruptions, the Covid-19 pandemic and prolonged political 
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    The two most recent censuses in Northern Ireland received a good deal of media attention, but for quite different reasons. The 2011 census showed that Northern Irish was the most favoured identity, with 40% identifying this way, compared with 25% for Irish and 21% for British. One newspaper headline described this finding as &amp;#x2018;The rise of the Northern Irish&amp;#x2019;.1 The implied or explicit meaning of this finding was that the years of peace since the Belfast Agreement had led to diminished salience of adversarial tribal identities, and increased relevance of a cross-community, civic identity. Further, young people in particular, who had seen little conflict in their lifetimes. were most willing to cast aside the 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/990409"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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