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    Although the People&amp;#39;s Republic of China (PRC) was never fully isolated from the world, its &amp;#x22;opening up&amp;#x22; in the late 1970s and subsequent economic ascent&amp;#x2014;culminating in its emergence as the world&amp;#39;s second-largest economy by 2010&amp;#x2014;profoundly expanded its global reach. Rising demand for energy and raw materials, alongside export markets, elevated China from a minor participant to a leading trading partner worldwide. As domestic industrialization matured and overcapacity emerged, Chinese capital increasingly moved abroad, transforming the country into one of the world&amp;#39;s foremost sources of foreign direct investment (FDI) (Hung 2022, 48&amp;#x2013;49, 64&amp;#x2013;65).From the late 1970s to the early 2000s, scholarship primarily focused on 
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  <title>Building Away From a Home Template: China's Role in Reshaping the Urban-Industrial-Logistical Landscapes Spanning a Djibouti-Ethiopia Corridor</title>
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    China&amp;#39;s rise as a global economic superpower has ridden mainly on its export-oriented manufacturing prowess. The close connection between China&amp;#39;s general economic and specialized manufacturing capacities also carries a strong but less understood infrastructural dimension. But the latter becomes quite powerful and impactful through the massive scale and scope of urban and infrastructure projects China has built at home over the past four-plus decades. This domestic infrastructural power in building and delivering large-scale and bundled projects has taken on and projected out a global scale under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), launched by China in 2013, as its infrastructure built-up at home has slowed due to 
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  <title>From Policy to Practice: Legal Complexities in Deploying China's Industrial Park-Port Model in Egypt and Djibouti Under the BRI</title>
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    The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), launched by China a decade ago, seeks to drive development within China and among participating countries by introducing new growth opportunities. A key strategy involves building overseas economic and trade cooperation zones, or industrial parks, designed to achieve multiple objectives. These parks encourage Chinese enterprises to expand collectively, mitigating individual risks. They also facilitate resource integration between China and host countries, drawing substantial investment and strengthening international business ties (Wuzhati et al. 2017, 355). In addition, they foster industrial linkages, linking upstream and downstream enterprises and enhancing production capacity 
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/983611">
  <title>China's Green Energy Engagement in the MENA Region: Mapping the Scale, Modalities, and Motivations</title>
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    In October 2023, China celebrated the tenth anniversary of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). In its first decade, for some estimates, the total amount spent on BRI-related engagement, including direct investments and construction contracts, has passed the US$1 trillion mark (Nedopil 2024, 7) for projects as diverse as agriculture, energy, technology, and transportation. Some have lauded the BRI for its contribution to economic development and infrastructure building, particularly in the Global South, where such investment is greatly needed (Xiao, Cheng, and Wang 2018; Dunford 2021). The initiative has also been the subject of criticism for its detrimental impact on the environment and contribution to greenhouse 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/983615"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/983612">
  <title>China's Digital Silk Road in the Middle East: A Region Trapped in the Maelstrom of Technological Competition between China and the United States of America</title>
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    &#x3C;p&#x3E;&#x3C;/p&#x3E;
    The United States of America (US)&amp;#x2013;China great power rivalry has gained new momentum due to the simultaneous events of the shifting international order and the fourth industrial revolution. The struggle for technological supremacy, also referred to as techno-hegemony, is a crucial aspect of the rivalry between China and the United States. Throughout history, major powers have sought to maintain a technological advantage over other nations. This statement holds true for Portugal in the 15th century, the Ottoman Empire from the 16th to 17th centuries, Great Britain in the 19th century, the Soviet Union in the 20th century, and the United States in the 20th century. The latter, together with its companies, has 
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/983613">
  <title>Historical Development of Chinese International Law Theories: From the Late Qing Dynasty to the Rise of China</title>
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    In the history of international law, international law theory has always played a pivotal role in guiding the development of international law. It is well known that the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 shaped an international community of sovereign states and announced the birth and operation of a European system of international law, and the peace treaty signed at that time became the starting point of modern positive international law (Zhang 2012). There is no doubt that a number of classical theories of international law (Grotius 1625; Pufendorf 1672) had already been widely circulated in European countries and contributed to the emergence of international law (Nussbaum 1947). After that, modern international law 
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  <title>How Target-State Agency Shapes Geoeconomic Influence: Insights from Sino–North Korean Relations</title>
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    &#x3C;p&#x3E;&#x3C;/p&#x3E;
    The Sino&amp;#x2013;North Korea Relationship, shaped by distinctive geography and deep-rooted historical ties, represents a particularly complex and sensitive case to examine the interplay between geopolitics and geoeconomics.Since the end of the Cold War, international relations have gradually shifted from ideological confrontation to competition driven by economic considerations (Cowen and Smith 2009). Whereas traditional geopolitics focuses on military power and territorial control, geoeconomics relies on trade, investment, financial policies, and energy strategies to exert strategic influence (Luttwak 1990; Kaufman 2004). With globalization accelerating and capital becoming more mobile, economic instruments have 
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  <title>"Applied China Studies" in Europe</title>
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    As China has moved further into the political spotlight in Europe, and is increasingly perceived as a &amp;#x22;risk,&amp;#x22; or at the very least a &amp;#x22;challenge,&amp;#x22; calls for so-called &amp;#x22;China competence&amp;#x22; are escalating. The concept was introduced in the China Strategy of the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (China-Strategie 2015), and understood as interdisciplinary knowledge on China that is relevant for stakeholders: political decision-makers, economic actors, as well as research communities in STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) disciplines. In the years following, think tanks and academic studies called for improving China competence in Germany (e.g. Stepan, Frenzel, Ives, and Hoffmann 2018; 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/983615"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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