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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978390">
  <title>The US Deportation System: History, Impacts, and New Empirical Research</title>
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    The United States is unique in the size and scope of its deportation system. Between 2001 and 2022, US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) carried out nearly 6.5 million deportations. This represents a stark departure from the approximately 17,000 average total annual removals from 1892 to 1995 (Patler and Golash-Boza 2017). Figure 1 illustrates this dramatic change by plotting removals from 1892 (the first year the US government officially began reporting deportation statistics) through 2022 (panel A) and deportations as a percentage

Figure 1
Deportations over Time and as a Percentage of the Foreign-Born Population
Source: Deportation data from Department of Homeland Security and foreign-born population 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978399"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978391">
  <title>Imitate, Then Escalate: Social Influence and Its Consequences for the Subfederal Deportation System in the United States</title>
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    Discussions of immigration enforcement in the United States bring to mind federal agencies such as US Customs and Border Protection (CBP) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Yet without state and local government cooperation, current enforcement levels could not continue. During recent administrations, for example, the majority of ICE interior arrests originated from local transfers (Capps et al. 2018). Hundreds of local jails confine noncitizens for ICE (Ryo and Peacock 2020). In certain jurisdictions, local police officers can begin noncitizens&amp;#39; removal processes or recommend certain legal remedies in lieu of formal removal proceedings (American Immigration Council 2021).Research on this phenomenon has 
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978392">
  <title>Unpacking the Politics of the US Deportation System</title>
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    Empirically and systematically studying the growing deportation system in the US is a pressing priority for social scientists. However, this is often a difficult endeavor because of rapidly changing deportation and immigration policies and significant data limitations. Despite these challenges, research on the deportation system is flourishing. For example, a growing body of research examines the politics of the deportation system, namely how deportation policy shapes experiences of citizenship and non-citizenship (Asad 2023; Rocha et al. 2015; Valdivia 2025, this issue) and the process of deportation policy agenda-setting (Flores 2018; Hopkins 2010; Jones and Martin 2017).I contribute to this burgeoning and timely 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978399"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978393">
  <title>Climate of Exclusion: Spillover Effects of Home-Country Natural Disasters on Immigrant Removals from the United States</title>
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    Deportations of immigrants from the United States have grown substantially over the past two decades. Immigrant removals more than doubled in the first decade of the twenty-first century, from slightly more than 185,000 in 2000 to nearly 432,000 by 2013.1 While total removals declined in subsequent years, they remained much higher than in the early 2000s. As Caitlin Patler and Bradford Jones (2025, this issue) describe in detail, this increase in removals is due, in part, to the growing immigration enforcement apparatus in the US that has leveraged local criminal justice systems to identify, apprehend, and remove noncitizens from the US. Research has examined how immigration enforcement policies, laws, and 
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978394">
  <title>ICE at the Door, Tests on the Floor: Student Achievement and Local Immigration Enforcement</title>
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    In recent years, the documented effects of immigration enforcement on vulnerable populations have increased tremendously. For example, Secure Communities, a Department of Homeland enforcement program, directly reduced Hispanic citizen participation in Federal safety net programs (Alsan and Yang 2024) and both citizen and noncitizen labor hours (East et al. 2023). Opposing policies that reduce immigration enforcement have been shown to potentially increase an immigrant&amp;#39;s willingness to report crime (Jacome 2022). Within the United States, scarce resources must be devoted toward immigration enforcement, and therefore, the efficacy and spillovers of those resources should be justly scrutinized, as documented by 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978399"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978395">
  <title>Future, Interrupted: Examining the Impact of a Large Worksite Enforcement Operation on Students' Educational and Workforce Pathways</title>
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    There is abundant evidence about the large-and long-lasting detrimental effects for children and young adults associated with living in a state of legal vulnerability&amp;#x2014;whether it be due to their own undocumented status or that of their family members (Amuedo-Dorantes and Lopez 2015, 2017; Brabeck and Xu 2010; Velarde Pierce et al. 2021). Increasingly, scholars, educators, and policymakers have been interested in the relationship between legal vulnerability and students&amp;#39; academic performance, postsecondary aspirations, enrollment, and persistence, given the strong link between postsecondary credentials and a host of life-course outcomes (Amuedo-Dorantes et al. 2023; Amuedo-Dorantes and Lopez 2017; Bellows 2019; 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978399"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978396">
  <title>Settlement Duration Matters: Deportation Threat and Safety Net Participation Among Mixed-Status Families</title>
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    Unauthorized legal status severely constrains undocumented immigrants&amp;#39; access to critical resources and long-term well-being. Lacking legal status limits employment opportunities, suppresses wages, reduces access to the social safety net, and increases vulnerability to labor exploitation (Gonzales 2011; Gleeson 2010). These material disadvantages extend to children, including US citizens, by reducing household income and discouraging public benefit use due to fear of detection or deportation (Yoshikawa 2011). Moreover, children&amp;#39;s well-being can also be impacted, including academic achievement and educational and workforce outcomes (see Bennett et al. 2025 and Kirksey and Sattin-Bajaj 2025, both this issue).Despite 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978399"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978397">
  <title>De Facto Deportation from the United States to Mexico, 2015–2020</title>
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    &#x3C;p&#x3E;&#x3C;/p&#x3E;
    Major changes to the United States immigration law and policy since 1986 have led to large numbers of deportations of long-term, settled immigrants from the US (Golash-Boza 2015; Massey et al. 2016; Schultheis and Ruiz Soto 2017). Long-term, settled immigrants often have families in the US; in these cases, deportation causes the international separation of families. According to reports filed with the US Congress by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) every year since 2009, the US government has deported tens of thousands of parents of children who live in the US (Capps et al. 2015; DHS 2016a, 2016b, 2016c, 2017a, 2017b, 2018, 2019a, 2019b). The number of deportations of people who have spouses or parents in 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978399"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>Urgent Returns: The Link Between Family and the Remigration Intentions of Deported Central Americans in an Era of Border Externalization</title>
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    Luis, a thirty-four-year-old man from El Salvador, was transiting through Mexico in 2019, hoping to reenter the US undetected after having been deported months earlier. He explained his motivations for returning, despite the risks: &amp;#x22;I have three little girls and a wife waiting for me in South Carolina. I had a good life there, but I was stopped for speeding and was deported back to El Salvador. That was a year and a half ago, and since then, I have been deported [back to El Salvador] four times: three times from Mexico, and once while crossing the border wall in California.&amp;#x22;When asked if he was afraid of the heightened immigration enforcement at the USMexico border, Luis explained: &amp;#x22;I am not afraid of crossing. My 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978399"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <dc:title>Urgent Returns: The Link Between Family and the Remigration Intentions of Deported Central Americans in an Era of Border Externalization</dc:title>
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978399">
  <title>Hyper-Illegality, Reentry, and Everyday Life in the United States Post-Deportation</title>
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    In the contemporary US context, migrant illegality (that is, the legal and social condition of being undocumented) represents an axis of social inequality that affects millions (Asad and Clair 2018; Flores and Schachter 2018; Massey 2007; Menj&amp;#xED;var 2021).1 This includes the approximately 10.3 million people who are undocumented and the estimated 16.2 million people who are part of mixed-status families where at least one member is undocumented (American Immigration Council 2021). As such, migrant illegality impacts how millions of people in the United States not only navigate legal and social systems but also experience everyday life as individuals and as members of families and communities (Abrego 2014; Dreby 2015; 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/978399"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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