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    With great honor and excitement, we present this issue of The Good Society: A Journal of Civic Studies. As the only academic journal devoted to civic studies, we are at the heart of a field that, while relatively new, has a rich history and an increasingly important mission. The formalization of civic studies as an academic discipline began in the late twentieth-century. In 2006, the formation of the civic studies entity with framing statements (Boyte et al., 2014), followed by the annual Summer Institute of Civic Studies (since 2008) brought together scholars, practitioners, and educators to focus on enhancing civic engagement through research and practice. Since then, annual gatherings and university programs at 
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    A different and better modernity is possible. But that potential, and the hope that it supports, is mostly hidden from view. To discuss it credibly, we first need to admit unflinchingly and realistically the destructive potential found in the situation now facing humanity, the potential for decline, degradation, and disaster.We have the potential for self-destruction through various forms of war, reinforced by the spread of nuclear weapons, other weapons of mass destruction, the growing shadow of war in the international system, the continuing threat of terrorism, without end in sight. We have the potential for self-destruction through climate change. We have challenges from viruses and bacteria, epidemics and 
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    This writing explores classical and contemporary interpretations of Aristotelian virtue ethics along with the pluralistic application of political ideologies as potential mitigating strategies for current political divisiveness. Its analysis focuses on politics and divisiveness in the United States; however, its theses are applicable to many other jurisdictions, particularly where conservative nationalistic populism is competing with liberal value pluralism. After highlighting U.S. political polarization via documented examples and credible research citations, I develop the following key points.For practical reasons, political discourse and action outside of academia is exercised via rough-hewn ideologies, not 
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    Memorials, monuments, and museums help to construct good societies by acknowledging the presence of the past in current social and political environments. Implicitly, public memory installations embody the oft-quoted caution of George Santayana (1905, p. 284), &amp;#x201C;Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.&amp;#x201D; In their investigations of public memory, scholars embrace the idea that remembering the past helps societies cope with the present (Dickinson et al., 2010). I do not take issue with this notion, but, in this article, I offer three new assertions about public memory&amp;#x2019;s value for humankind&amp;#x2019;s ongoing quest to craft good societies. First, I introduce and explain the concept of aspirational memory, a 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/984932"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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    Urban public space has long been a battleground where authority and resistance vie for visibility, legibility, and control (Lefebvre, 1991, 2012; Harvey 2012). In the wake of Nigeria&amp;#x2019;s 2020 #EndSARS protests against police brutality, city streets momentarily transformed into insurgent surfaces, animated by murals, graffiti, and ephemeral inscriptions that both documented and propelled the uprising. These visual acts were not simply ornamental or commemorative; they operated as insurgent gestures that intervened in the circulation of meaning, contesting the city&amp;#x2019;s dominant semiotics of power. In so doing, they revealed the city as what Mbembe (2019b) describes as a &amp;#x201C;terrain of occupation and exposure&amp;#x201D;&amp;#x2014;a space where 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/984932"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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