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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977930">
  <title>Julian's Batavian Campaign, An Embezzlement Trial in Britain, and Barbarian Access to the Annona Militaris</title>
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    This article examines how Julian exploited and undermined Roman-barbarian relations during his Batavian campaign in Gaul in 357&amp;#x2013;59 and in this way offers a unique window on economic and military relationships between the empire and its neighbors on the lower Rhine. Previous studies have portrayed Julian as both an idealist and a shrewd political actor, but the full significance of his Batavian campaign has been overlooked.1 Most approaches to the event have simply examined it as a minor stage in Julian&amp;#39;s Gallic wars.2 Others have used it to chart the development of later Frankish ethnogenesis and political institutions. These teleological aims have tended toward somewhat credulous analyses of the late Roman 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977939"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977931">
  <title>The 'Innumerable' of Zaragoza: A Martyr Cult Between City and Monastery</title>
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    Opening the fourth poem of his Peristephanon, Prudentius (d. after 405 CE) painted an arresting scene of the eschatological future. The cities of the Christian world processed in personified forms toward the seat of judgement, each bearing the martyrs it had produced as sacrifices to be offered to Christ. Cities from across the Mediterranean world appear. Several are Iberian&amp;#x2014;C&amp;#xF3;rdoba, Tarragona, Girona, Calahorra, Barcelona, and more&amp;#x2014;while others are from further afield&amp;#x2014;Carthage, Tangiers, Narbonne, and Arles. The scene recalls both the solemn, staged processions of late antique civic ceremonial and those of its Christian liturgical derivatives. Two features stand out. First, Prudentius&amp;#39;s view of cult was resolutely 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977939"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977932">
  <title>The 'Apologia' of Archbishop Manasses (1079/1080): New Perspectives on Clerical Resistance to Reform in the Province of Reims</title>
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    Among the many letters, treatises, poems, and histories generated during the sixty or so years that marked the tumultuous period of ecclesiastical reform preceding the Concordat of Worms in 1122, the letter of Archbishop Manasses of Reims (c. 1069&amp;#x2013;1080) to the papal legate Hugh of Die (bishop of Die, 1073&amp;#x2013;1082; archbishop of Lyon, 1082&amp;#x2013;1106), explaining Manasses&amp;#39;s reasons for refusing Hugh&amp;#39;s summons to a council in Lyon in the opening weeks of 1080, stands out for its impassioned defense of archiepiscopal juridical prerogative in the face of Hugh&amp;#39;s legatine privilege. This letter is the last known missive of Manasses.1 He was deposed by Gregory VII a few months later and soon disappears from the historical record.2 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977939"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977933">
  <title>Anselm the Fool: Meditation and the Joy of Unbelief in the Proslogion</title>
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    Despite their commitment to interdisciplinarity and its concomitant of collaboration, there is always a bit of rivalry amongst medievalists, often aligned along disciplinary boundaries. For historical theologians who focus on the western Middle Ages, sometimes their nemesis is found among the philosophers. One major touchstone of that rivalry is the writings of Anselm of Aosta (1033&amp;#x2013;1109), the one-time prior and abbot of the Benedictine abbey of Bec and then archbishop of Canterbury. The one text that generates the most rivalry is his Proslogion, asit has often been read solely as a philosophical treatise. Worse still, it is not uncommon for undergraduate students in almost every introductory course to philosophy 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977939"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977934">
  <title>God as Androgyne in Medieval Kabbalah: Toward a History of the Doctrine</title>
  <link>https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977934</link>
  <description>
    &#x3C;p&#x3E;&#x3C;/p&#x3E;
    Rabbi Jeremiah ben Eleazar said: When the blessed Holy One created the first human, he created an androgyne, as it is written &amp;#x22;male and female he made them &amp;#x2026; and he called their name human.&amp;#x22; (Gen. 5:2).One of the most captivating elements of the theology associated with the medieval kabbalah is the notion that God exemplifies both male and female attributes. This idea, which is expressed variously throughout a diverse library of texts, has gripped the curiosity of scholars for generations. Lore concerning primordial beings at once endowed with the qualities of opposing sexes are known from a host of ancient cultures.1 The archaic motif of the androgyne has elicited significant interest in modern studies of 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977939"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <dc:title>God as Androgyne in Medieval Kabbalah: Toward a History of the Doctrine</dc:title>
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977935">
  <title>Interfaith Dialogue through the Red Heifer (Num. 19): Immanuel of Rome's Exegesis and Medieval Biblical Commentary</title>
  <link>https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977935</link>
  <description>
    &#x3C;p&#x3E;&#x3C;/p&#x3E;
    And the Lord spoke unto Moses and unto Aaron, saying: This is the statute of the law which the Lord hath commanded, saying: Speak unto the children of Israel, that they bring thee a red heifer, faultless, wherein is no blemish, and upon which never came yoke. And ye shall give her unto Eleazar the priest, and she shall be brought forth without the camp, and she shall be slain before his face. And Eleazar the priest shall take of her blood with his finger, and sprinkle of her blood toward the front of the tent of meeting seven times. And the heifer shall be burnt in his sight; her skin, and her flesh, and her blood, with her dung, shall be burnt. And the priest shall take cedar-wood, and hyssop, and scarlet, and 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977939"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977936">
  <title>Templar General Chapters</title>
  <link>https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977936</link>
  <description>
    &#x3C;p&#x3E;&#x3C;/p&#x3E;
    In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries new religious orders commonly followed the example of the Cistercians in summoning periodic general chapters. In 1215 Innocent III further decreed that in each kingdom or province there should be a chapter for the heads of religious houses who until then had not been obliged to attend a general chapter.1 It is therefore not surprising that general chapters became a normal feature of the government of military orders, including the Temple. It is not, however, easy to provide a comprehensive survey of the general chapters of military orders, and comparatively little has been written about them. One obstacle is the lack of precision in the use of terms in the documentation of 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977939"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977937">
  <title>Embodiment of Antiquity: Introduction, Text, Translation, and Commentary of Beroaldo's Oratio Habita in Enarratione Lucii Apuleii</title>
  <link>https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977937</link>
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    &#x3C;p&#x3E;&#x3C;/p&#x3E;
    This study analyzes how Filippo Beroaldo the Elder (1453&amp;#x2013;1505), in his Oratio habita in enarratione Lucii Apuleii, forges not only his commentator persona but also his identity as a Gellius redivivus.1 I hope to show that the rhetorical strategies deployed in this oratio showcase a refined attempt on Beroaldo&amp;#39;s part to shape his identity against the cultural and academic background of late fifteenth-century Italy. Indeed, the humanist situates himself in open contrast with mainstream tendencies in the matter of style and literary taste. By choosing to comment on Apuleius and by pitching his commentary while assuming a Gellian persona, he situates himself in the minority of the Apuleianists. His taste for archaic 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977939"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <dc:title>Embodiment of Antiquity: Introduction, Text, Translation, and Commentary of Beroaldo's Oratio Habita in Enarratione Lucii Apuleii</dc:title>
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  <title>Three Overlooked Manuscript Witnesses of Carolingian Epistolae Formatae by Archbishop Theutgaud of Trier and Bishop Adventius of Metz from Provence and Catalonia</title>
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    In memory of Mart&amp;#xED; Aurell i Cardona (1958&amp;#x2013;2025)This article presents three new discoveries of Carolingian epistolae formatae from Provence and Catalonia, which update recent editions of the texts in question and offer clues about their historical context and purpose.In 2022, Isolde Schr&amp;#xF6;der published the Monumenta Germaniae Historica edition of the remaining Carolingian letters of the ninth to early tenth century.1 Printed in the first section of this edition are letters that belong to the so-called epistolae formatae, letters of recommendation for clerics or priests travelling to particular destinations with the permission of their bishop for well-defined reasons.2 These episcopal passports for authentication give 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977939"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>A Note on a Hagiographical Source for Gratian's Decretum: The Quotation Attributed to Saint Lucy in C.32 Q.5</title>
  <link>https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977939</link>
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    &#x3C;p&#x3E;&#x3C;/p&#x3E;
    Causa 32 of Gratian&amp;#39;s Decretum presents the following astonishing case:

A certain man, since he did not have a wife, joined to himself in marriage a certain prostitute. She was infertile, granddaughter of a freeman, daughter of a servile land-tenant. When her father wanted to hand her over to another man, her grandfather joined her to this [first] man, for the sole cause of sexual gratification. Then this man, motivated by repentance, began to seek children for himself from his own female slave. Then he felt convicted and worthy of punishment on account of his adultery, and so he solicited a certain man to force himself upon his wife so that he might therefore send her away [in divorce] &amp;#x2026; It is first asked whether 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/977939"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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