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    How abruptly the political winds have shifted. Just eighteen months ago Madison, Wisconsin erupted in outrage at the draconian assault on the labor movement by the state&amp;#39;s governor, Scott Walker. Six months later a small band of anarchists occupied Wall Street and set off sympathy occupations in seventy cities around the world. Meanwhile, the &amp;#x22;Arab Spring&amp;#x22; promised to overturn the despotisms ruling the Middle East. The streets of Europe filled up with students and labor unions and middle classes angry about being held as ransom, their livelihoods ruined, their futures mortgaged, their governments neutered, all so that the banking establishment might survive the economic devastation it had caused.Those days seem so 
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  <title>Under The Radar</title>
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    &amp;#x22;Commissioner [Ray] Kelly stated that the NYPD targets its stop-and-frisk activity at young black and Latino men because it wants to instill the belief in members of these two populations that they could be stopped and frisked every time they leave their homes so that they are less likely to carry weapons.&amp;#x22;&amp;#x22;We&amp;#39;ve spent billions of dollars killing thirteen people.&amp;#x22;U.S. Army Specialist and Iraq war veteran Daniel Birmingham set an important legal precedent when he received both conscientious objector (CO) status and an honorable discharge in lieu of deployment to Afghanistan. While the military has typically granted CO status for religious or spiritual opposition to war, Spc. Birmingham objected to the war on purely 
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  <title>Manufacturing the Future: Why Reindustrialization Is the Road to Recovery</title>
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    Four and a half years after the crash, the American economy sputters along. Twenty-three million workers cannot find full-time work, and the percentage of the employed population has hardly budged since it hit bottom two and a half years ago. Republicans argue that we should reduce the deficit (a disastrous policy); Democrats urge a new stimulus (a necessary step, but not sufficient to repair our economy). Missing from our national discussions about economic revitalization&amp;#x2014;even in arguments made by many of the nation&amp;#39;s progressive economists&amp;#x2014; is the need to restore a badly damaged manufacturing sector.This idea&amp;#x2014;supporting manufacturing through an industrial policy&amp;#x2014;has always had powerful enemies. Opposition from 
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485676">
  <title>The Working Poor: A Booming Demographic</title>
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    Average Wage among the Working Poor, 2000-2010
				
			Former 2012 GOP presidential candidate Rick Santorum caught hell when he called President Obama a snob for wanting everyone to get a college education. But Santorum&amp;#39;s words strike a discordant note that shouldn&amp;#39;t be ignored. The president&amp;#39;s frequent exhortations that everyone should go to college in order to achieve some level of economic success ignore this fact about the U.S. labor market: that now and into the next decade, more than two-thirds of the jobs that U.S. workers will depend on to earn their livelihoods will be non-college-degree jobs. Intentionally or not, Obama&amp;#39;s words suggest that workers without a high level of educational credentials should 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485695"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485677">
  <title>To Be Young and Unemployed</title>
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    Millions of workers are struggling with joblessness, economic inequality has been rising over the past thirty years, and large swaths of America are still feeling the consequences of the Great Recession. However, economic challenges are not shared equally. Certain socio-demographic groups are hit particularly hard, while others remain largely insulated from the difficulties of economic hardship. This discrepancy is particularly evident with regard to young workers.1While every point throughout a worker&amp;#39;s career trajectory is important, the labor market experiences&amp;#x2014;earnings, benefits, skill development, and job security&amp;#x2014;of young workers are of particular significance. Early labor market experiences play a central 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485695"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485678">
  <title>The Prison Industrial Complex: A Growth Industry in a Shrinking Economy</title>
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    An inmate in the Prison Industries Authority Fabrics program works on an American flag at the Central California Women&amp;#39;s Facility in Chowchilla, California, April 5, 2012.
				
			As tough as life was for American workers at the close of the twentieth century, the dawn of the twenty-first century has proven even more challenging. Despite official claims of recovery, polls show that, for the great majority of Americans, the economy is broken.1By March of 2012, not only was the unemployment rate for American workers still 8.4 percent, but for some segments of the U.S. working class, namely young African-Americans, it was a catastrophic 40.5 percent.2 The situation for organized labor was equally dire. The union 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485695"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485679">
  <title>Marxism in the Age of Financial Crises: Why Conventional Economics Can't Explain the Great Recession</title>
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    Image courtesy of www.cartoonstock.com
				
			The crash and rescue of the banking system and the surge of unemployment, foreclosure, and sweeping cuts in social services over the past five years have set off a wide-ranging struggle over class relations not seen since the 1970s. As politicians and activists from Occupy Wall Street to the Tea Party denounce &amp;#x22;crony capitalism,&amp;#x22; and as leading economists and journalists join in criticizing the harsher, finance-driven capitalist regime ushered in by Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, radical critiques of capitalism itself are gaining a new hearing.The Marxist tradition, born in the early years of industrial capitalism in the nineteenth century, appears as vital as 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485695"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>The Sigh of the Oppressed?: Marxism and Religion in America Today</title>
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    A 2008 survey by the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life found that more than half of Americans rank the importance of religion very highly in their lives, attend religious services regularly, and pray daily.1 Despite the predictions of some eighteenth- and nineteenth-century social observers, the riotous success of capitalism and the democratization of higher education did not diminish religious life. If anything, the modes of capital have merely incited religious energies, with the markets of one feeding off of the promises of another. This is fertile territory for the Marxist observer, since it seems to fulfill Marx&amp;#39;s prophecies as well as resist his plotted rebellions. For Marx, capitalism was a systematic 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485695"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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			On Labor Day 2011, things looked bleak for the U.S. labor movement. More than forty-five thousand Verizon workers had gone on strike and returned to work without a contract. Public sector workers were under serious attack. Republican governors&amp;#x2014;Scott Walker in Wisconsin and John Kasich in Ohio&amp;#x2014; had declared all-out war on unions, but even Democratic governors had a go:Deval Patrick in Massachusetts removed the right of public sector unions to bargain over health care, and Andrew Cuomo in New York ran on a platform of going after unions.Has the terrain shifted in the past year? Not very much. But there were hopeful signs as well, suggesting that labor might be finding new allies and at 
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  <title>Food Fight: The Politics of the Food Industry</title>
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			The food movement has garnered much attention in the past decade and has been both lauded and derided for its focus on creating an alternative to industrial food production by emphasizing organic, sustainable, local, and small-scale practices. Recently, food movement heroes like Michael Pollan and Alice Waters have brought debates about our food system to mainstream America. But the food movement&amp;#x2014;which positions itself as the alternative to a corporate-dominated, unfair, and unhealthy food supply&amp;#x2014;actually seems to be strengthening the industrial food system. It&amp;#39;s been unable to produce real and radical alternatives, instead catering to the logic of consumerism and the marketplace through its insistence on 
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    By August 2010, America had supposedly recovered from the Great Recession. But the unemployment rate in Pennsylvania&amp;#39;s Lehigh Valley was nearing double digits, and anyone who suffered losses had no tangible evidence that an economic recovery had ever taken place. Only one job opening was available for every five seekers, so the career counselors who coached applicants were irrelevant as they attempted to convince us that we were free agents capable of landing our dream job if only we chose the most effective resume format and mastered the art of &amp;#x22;personal branding&amp;#x22; to stand out among the competition.A major new employer had recently arrived in the Lehigh Valley and its timing could not have been more opportune. It 
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  <title>Economic Prospects: Getting Real on Jobs and the Environment: Pipelines, Fracking, or Clean Energy?</title>
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    President Obama&amp;#39;s 2009 economic stimulus program&amp;#x2014;the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA)&amp;#x2014;represented a dramatic forward advance on the issue of jobs and the environment. The ARRA included roughly $100 billion in clean energy investments as part of the overall $787 billion two-year measure. The ARRA also embraced the concept that green investments could serve as a significant new engine of job opportunities throughout the economy. This idea directly contradicted the long-dominant view that the goals of environmental sustainability and job creation were inevitably and painfully at odds.Over the past two years, and especially since the 2012 election season began, the level of mainstream political support for 
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    In recent years, ACORN and Planned Parenthood faced relentless attacks by Republicans, Tea Partiers, and the Religious Right. ACORN disappeared. Planned Parenthood came out stronger. What happened? And what lessons can progressives learn about dealing with right-wing political assaults?The conservative offensive against these two groups was no accident. In 2001, Grover Norquist, head of Americans for Tax Reform, penned an American Spectator magazine article that outlined a strategy to undermine the Democratic Party and block progressive taxes and regulations on businesses that upset his corporate clients. It called for destroying the &amp;#x22;five pillars&amp;#x22; of the Democratic Party&amp;#x2014;unions, trial lawyers, big city mayors
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485695"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485686">
  <title>In the Rearview Mirror: Barbarism and Progress: The Story of Convict Labor</title>
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    &#x3C;p&#x3E;&#x3C;/p&#x3E;
    Sweatshop labor is back with a vengeance. It ranges across broad stretches of the American economy and around the world. Penitentiaries have become a niche market for such work. Prison privatizers&amp;#x2014;the Corrections Corporation of America, the GEO Group, and G4S Secure Solutions (formerly Wackenhut)&amp;#x2014;sell inmate labor at subminimum wages to Fortune 500 corporations like Chevron, Bank of America, AT&amp;#x26;T, and IBM. These companies can, in most states, lease factories in prisons or lease prisoners to work on the outside. Incarcerated men and women make office furniture; work in call centers; fabricate body armor; take hotel reservations; manufacture textiles, shoes, clothing, dental aides, and metal equipment; and work in 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485695"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485687">
  <title>Caught in the Web: The Young and the Jobless</title>
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    &#x3C;p&#x3E;&#x3C;/p&#x3E;
    One of the major drivers of the recent global wave of street protests&amp;#x2014; from riots in London to the Arab Spring to Occupy Wall Street&amp;#x2014;has been youth joblessness. Global youth unemployment saw its largest increase on record&amp;#x2014;the largest since good records have been kept, that is&amp;#x2014;in 2009. A fine online project documenting the worldwide problem of youth unemployment&amp;#x2014;and exploring young people&amp;#39;s own perspectives on the matter&amp;#x2014; is the 2012 United Nations World Youth Report (www.unworldyouthreport.org).Based, in part, on extensive online conversations with young people conducted in October 2011, the report contains, along with statistics, great photos as well as profiles of young people&amp;#x2014;a twenty-one-year-old first-time 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485695"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485688">
  <title>Looking for Virtue in All the Wrong Places</title>
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				 Charles Murray is concerned that the white &amp;#x22;lower class&amp;#x22; (now about 20 percent of white folks) is &amp;#x22;economically ineffectual&amp;#x22; because they are less virtuous than previous generations. In the aggregate, according to Murray, all Americans are less virtuous than we used to be, but the main point of Coming Apart is that the decline in virtue among upper-class whites (the top 20 percent) has been relatively minor and has now stabilized, whereas the bottom fifth is steadily and dramatically declining in virtue. For Murray, there is a kind of moral rot at the bottom that threatens to &amp;#x22;destroy the kind of civil society that America requires,&amp;#x22; slowly strangling what Murray calls &amp;#x22;the American project,&amp;#x22; as the rot moves 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485695"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485689">
  <title>The Working Class in Exile</title>
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    &#x3C;p&#x3E;&#x3C;/p&#x3E;
    In his 2011 book, Owen Jones&amp;#x2014;a former trade-union lobbyist and political researcher, now a journalist&amp;#x2014;offers an angry and impassioned take on the rise of the &amp;#x22;chav&amp;#x22; phenomenon. &amp;#x22;Chav&amp;#x22; entered the popular lexicon of the U.K. in 2004, the latest in a long line of stigmatizing terms referring to the white working class. Sometimes defined as an acronym for &amp;#x22;Council Housed and Violent,&amp;#x22; the term usually refers to the &amp;#x22;non-aspirational,&amp;#x22; &amp;#x22;non-respectable&amp;#x22; sections of the white working class, characterized by unemployment, welfare dependency, social housing tenancy, violence, drug and alcohol abuse, promiscuity, and overarching moral degeneracy. However, for many, &amp;#x22;chav&amp;#x22; and &amp;#x22;working-class&amp;#x22; have become synonymous. Jones 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485695"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485690">
  <title>Making Your Own Luck</title>
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				 Ah, the glamour of Las Vegas. Unions are known for holding conventions there. Much of Middle America, as well as high flyers from around the globe, regard it as an ideal vacation. Retirees looking for sun, workers seeking opportunities, to say nothing of people who hope to strike it rich, all have poured into southern Nevada, making it the fastest-growing urban area in the U.S. for decades. Slot machines greet arrivals at airports and state line businesses. The mega resorts&amp;#x2014;which have come to dominate the business in recent decades the way that corporations replaced the mob&amp;#x2014;have spared nothing, except the workers, in their efforts to entice and entrap customers. Free drinks, &amp;#x22;comped&amp;#x22; rooms and meals
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				 Americans who know anything about the farm workers movement know it was started by C&amp;#xE9;sar Ch&amp;#xE1;vez (or maybe by Ch&amp;#xE1;vez and Dolores Huerta). In reality, Arab, Chicano/a, Mexican, Filipino/a, black, and white farm workers founded it too. In fact, the movement to unionize farm workers is multinational and generations old. It has peaked and waned throughout the twentieth century. In the 1960s, it took the confluence of the civil rights movement, the anti-war movement, international liberation movements, and the end of the U.S. Bracero Act in 1964 to create an environment that made it possible for a small union led by people of color to win against conservative local governments, the Teamsters (one of the 
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    Blue Ridge Commons
				 By Kathryn Newfont UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA PRESS, 2012This detailed history documents the role of some mountain residents in western North Carolina in opposing wilderness designation of national forests but supporting campaigns to block clear cutting and oil and gas development. The consistent thread was that they wanted to maintain their tradition of hunting and fishing while being able to log in a sustainable way.Chasing Molecules
				 By Elizabeth Grossman ISLAND PRESS, 2012Chemicals in consumer products threaten our health and planet. Some scientists are developing &amp;#x22;green chemistry&amp;#x22; to substitute safer alternatives.Conspiracy of Silence
				 By Chris Lamb UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA PRESS
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    &amp;#x2014;from Thrall (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2012), reprinted with the permission of the poet&amp;#x2014;from Domestic Work (Graywolf Press, 2000), reprinted with the permission of the poet&amp;#x2014;from Native Guard (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2006), reprinted with the permission of the 
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    To the Editors:In the Spring 2012 issue of New Labor Forum, Nelson Lichtenstein made a powerful argument that the American labor movement should stop describing itself as &amp;#x22;middle class&amp;#x22; and use the term &amp;#x22;working class&amp;#x22; instead. Here are two additional reasons why Lichtenstein is right.First, most of the labor movement&amp;#39;s core constituency undoubtedly identifies as working class. While labor leaders and progressives were abandoning the concept, workers held firm. According to the General Social Survey, the authoritative database for political scientists, 45.6 percent of adult Americans self-identify as &amp;#x22;working class,&amp;#x22; compared with 46.2 percent &amp;#x22;middle class,&amp;#x22; 5.4 percent &amp;#x22;lower class,&amp;#x22; and 2.8 percent &amp;#x22;upper 
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  <title>About Our Contributors</title>
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    John Atlas is a long-time public interest lawyer and the author of Seeds of Change: The Story of ACORN, America&amp;#39;s Most Controversial Antipoverty Community Organizing Group. He can be reached at jatlas4@comcast.net.Ben Becker is a Ph.D. candidate in U.S. history at the City University of New York&amp;#39;s Graduate Center. He can be reached at bbecker@gc.cuny.edu.Peter Dreier teaches politics at Occidental College. His latest book is The 100 Greatest Americans of the 20th Century: A Social Justice Hall of Fame, and he can be reached at dreier@oxy.edu.Liza Featherstone is a contributing writer at the Nation and her writing on labor issues has appeared in Slate, Salon, Newsday, the New York Times, and many other publications. 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/485695"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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