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  <title>Our Thanks to the Race/Ethnicity Peer Reviewers</title>
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      As we continue to reach out to scholars, practitioners, and activists, we also continue to seek feedback and assistance from the Race/Ethnicity community at large. We&amp;#x2019;d like to take this space to pass along our sincere thanks to those who read and evaluated papers for all issues of Volume 4 of our journal.
    
      Please feel free to contact the managing editor, Leslie Shortlidge, at shortlidge.2@osu.edu if you are interested in reviewing articles for future issues of the journal.
    
	  Adebe D.A.
	
	  Sajjad Abro
	
	  Muna Ali, Arizona State University
	
	  Zoe Anderson, University of Western Australia
	
	  Murali Balaji, Lincoln University
	
	  Kellie Bean, Marshall University
	
	  Brian Behnken, Iowa 
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	Greg Asbed is a co-founder of the Coalition of Immokalee Workers (CIW). Among his several roles with the CIW, Asbed coordinates the effort to develop and implement innovative new farm-labor standards in collaboration with two of Florida&amp;#x2019;s largest tomato growers, paving the way for the implementation of the CIW&amp;#x2019;s Fair Food Code of Conduct across the entire Florida tomato industry in November 2011. Asbed is one of the authors featured in the textbook Bringing Human Rights Home: Portraits of the Movement (2008). He has an M.A. in International Economics and Social Change and Development from the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University and is fluent in English, Spanish, and 
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      Poor Jurgis was now an outcast and a tramp once more. He was crippled&amp;#x2014;he was as literally crippled as any wild animal which has lost its claws, or been torn out of its shell. He had been shorn, at one cut, of all those mysterious weapons whereby he had been able to make a living easily and to escape the consequences of his actions. He could no longer command a job when he wanted it; he could no longer steal with impunity&amp;#x2014;he must take his chances with the common herd. Nay worse, he dared not mingle with the herd&amp;#x2014;he must hide himself, for he was one marked out for destruction. His old companions would betray him, for the sake of the influence they would gain thereby; and he would be made to suffer, not merely 
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  <title>Sisters of the Soil: Urban Gardening as Resistance in Detroit</title>
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	Detroit&amp;#x2019;s social and economic ills have been well documented. Some scholars argue that the city&amp;#x2019;s underdevelopment and overall economic decline is a result of housing discrimination and racial segregation, the flight of business, taxes, and capital to the more affluent suburbs (Sugrue 1996; Darden et al. 1987), and a combination of race relations and urban and labor conflict (Thompson 2001). The recent transformations of the automobile industry, along with the subsequent shrinking of the working and middle classes, have left Detroiters mired in poverty-induced challenges, including reduced city services, poor-quality education, high rates of unemployment, crime, housing foreclosures, and little or no access to 
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  <title>The History and Evolution of Forced Labor in Florida Agriculture</title>
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      On November 20, 2007, three men described to Collier County sheriffs their chilling escape from a tomato-harvesting slavery ring based in Immokalee, Florida. Located on the edge of the Everglades and forty miles inland from the Gulf of Mexico, Immokalee is the epicenter of Florida&amp;#x2019;s $620 million tomato industry&amp;#x2014;an industry that employs some 30,000 workers, cultivates some 30,000 acres, and is responsible for virtually all fresh-field tomatoes grown in the United States between October and May (FTC 2010). The workers had punched and kicked their way out of a padlocked, 28-foot-long box truck two days earlier. Meanwhile, a second group of escapees sought help at the office of the Coalition of Immokalee Workers 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/463730"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>White Man’s “Burden” and the New Colonialism in West African Cocoa Production</title>
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	As of this writing, Cote d&amp;#x2019;Ivoire is in political turmoil. After a long-awaited democratic election took place in December 2010, the country&amp;#x2019;s president, Laurent Gbagbo, refused to cede power to the opposition challenger who won the popular vote. The challenger, Alassane Outtara, called for a ban on the country&amp;#x2019;s cocoa exports. The U.S. State Department backed that call for sanctions. After a period of armed conflict, Gbagbo stepped down in April 2011, and Outtara was able to take control over the government and is now seeking to restore economic and political order to the country. Human-rights campaigners, for their part, are calling on global chocolate companies to recognize the role that the cocoa trade has 
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  <title>Human Rights from Field to Fork: Improving Labor Conditions for Food-sector Workers by Organizing across Boundaries</title>
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	Historically, the food system was built on the backs of people of color and immigrants. In the colonial period, African slaves and indentured servants from Europe provided their free labor to produce food. After the Civil War, African American sharecroppers in the South and Asian immigrants in the West became the low-paid workforce in the food system. Then, in the latter part of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, many aspects of food production were sustained by a labor force composed of recent Asian and East European immigrants who were considered ethnically distinct from what was culturally defined as mainstream white America, and later, these same food-processing facilities hired African American 
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  <title>Reform or Transformation?: The Pivotal Role of Food Justice in the U.S. Food Movement</title>
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	The global food price crisis of 2008 ushered in record levels of hunger for the world&amp;#x2019;s poor at a time of record global harvests as well as record profits for the world&amp;#x2019;s major agrifoods corporations (Lean 2008). The combination of increasing hunger in the midst of wealth and abundance unleashed a flurry of worldwide &amp;#x201C;food riots&amp;#x201D; (including in the United States) not seen for many decades. In June 2008, the World Bank reported that global food prices had risen 83 percent in three years and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) cited a 45 percent increase in their world food price index in just nine months (Wiggins and Levy 2008). Despite a brief drop in the food price index, retail food 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/463730"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/462932">
  <title>Food Justice: What’s Race Got to Do with It?</title>
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      Race is the Rubicon we have never crossed in this country. Some claim that race is no longer a factor in the United States. We are &amp;#x201C;beyond racism.&amp;#x201D; The opposite is actually the case. Everything in this country is touched by race, from where we live or choose to live, go to school or send our children to school, where we worship and with whom we go to the movies, or even walk at night. Nothing escapes race. Both our mental and our physical health in the United States are impacted by our racial status.
    
      From field to fork, the production and consumption of food is racialized. An examination of food security, as determined both by the application of system-wide safety standards and the nutritional 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/463730"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>The Struggle for Control of America’s Production Agriculture System and Its Impact on African American Farmers</title>
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	In March 1865, just weeks before the end of the Civil War, the Freedman&amp;#x2019;s Bureau was created by the United States Congress to assist former slaves in their transition to becoming &amp;#x201C;freed&amp;#x201D; men and women. One of the Bureau&amp;#x2019;s mandates was to redistribute land in the South that had been abandoned by the defeated Confederates. The goal in Section 4 of the Freedman&amp;#x2019;s Bureau Act was, therefore, to provide each former slave family with forty acres so that they could have the opportunity to achieve a degree of economic security. This, while they were still living among their former &amp;#x201C;masters,&amp;#x201D; most of whom still had not accepted the outcome of the war. Section 4 was defeated in Congress in February 1865. It set the tone for 
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  <title>Race and Ethnicity from the Point of View of Farm Workers in the Food System</title>
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	&amp;#x201C;La mona aunque se vista de seda; mona se queda.&amp;#x201D; (Even when a monkey dresses up in silk; it&amp;#x2019;s still a monkey.)
      
	Working at CATA (Farmworkers Support Committee) since 1992, it was important for me to understand the policies that made it so difficult for farm workers to be organized in unions. Of approximately 1.5 to 2.5 million farm workers in the United States, fewer than 50,000 had labor contracts, indicating an intentional effort. So in order to represent farm workers, the first order of business was to understand the context and circumstances of the agricultural system and to explain why farm workers are poor people of color and migrants.
      
	Knowing that this country went to war over the issue of 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/463730"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>All about Tyson</title>
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      I am an ex-employee with Tyson Foods, Inc., meat packing company. I arrived at Tyson&amp;#x2019;s in January 2008 and worked there for over a year and a half. I left for numerous reasons. I was recruited through a community organization. When I arrived I thought that it was a good opportunity for a better job with good benefits. I worked ten-and-a-half hours a day Monday through Friday, first shift. Tyson&amp;#x2019;s is a majority all-Hispanic plant with few blacks, Asians, and other races. They play favoritism, too. One of the problems was that by it being predominately Hispanic workers, they would get first choice on everything including bids on different jobs, more requested time off without points being held against them
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/463730"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/462936">
  <title>Mohamed Sheikh Osman’s Story</title>
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    &#x3C;p&#x3E;&#x3C;/p&#x3E;
    
      I arrived in St. Cloud in 2005 as a refugee from Somalia. Since then I have been working in the meat packing and processing plants in Cold Spring and Melrose as a production worker for the last five years. I came to U.S.A to rebuild my life and that of my children for the better. As the normal process unfolded itself, I was far away from the bullets and the civil war of my country and I was looking forward to a better life.
    
	I came to U.S.A. to rebuild my life and that of my children for the better.
      
      I would like to focus about my job opportunities which had tremendous impact of my life as a person and the amount of hardship it caused to my family is very much daunting today. I was employed 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/463730"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/462937">
  <title>Selected Comparisons from The Color of Food</title>
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    &#x3C;p&#x3E;&#x3C;/p&#x3E;
    
      To provide some extra context for the journal&amp;#x2019;s readers, we have included graphical representations of information collected by the Applied Research Center from their report The Color of Food. As the authors remind us, there is more to the Good Food movement than the relationship between consumer and producer, and this report focuses on the data that tells of a story of low-wage jobs scarcely above the poverty level, and vast racial and gender inequalities. Please visit www.arc.org for more information, and our thanks to ARC for granting us permission to use their research. 
    
	  Median annual wage, population by race.
	
	  Key finding: People of color typically make less than whites in the food system
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/463730"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/463730">
  <title>From the Editors</title>
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    &#x3C;p&#x3E;&#x3C;/p&#x3E;
    Erratum: As a result of a most regrettable series of production errors in Race/Ethnicity 4:1 (Autumn 2010), a significant paragraph was omitted from Lorraine Leu&amp;#x2019;s article, Performing Race and Gender in Brazil: Karim Ainouz&amp;#x2019;s Madame Sat&amp;#xE3; (2002). The omission begins on the bottom of page 84 and continues through to page 85. Here follows the complete section, produced in its entirety as it should have been presented originally. Our apologies to Dr. Leu and to our readers:
      There are three moments in the film when Jo&amp;#xE3;o performs feminized versions of whiteness, blackness and mulataness that are particularly eloquent as regards the constructed character of both race and gender. They also speak to the importance of 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/463730"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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