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  <title>Introduction: Bordering Gendered Resistance in the Global South</title>
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    Borders contain; they give the veneer of safety while their impervious nature turns violence inward and erases the most vulnerable in society. This special issue is interested in those rendered invisible by the nation-state: how they strive to reclaim their voices and carve out their spaces in a structure that violently excludes them. The legacies of transnational feminist scholarship have taught us how gender intersects with questions of racial, class, national, and religious identities in global formation (Menon; Morgan; Lorde; Grewal and Kaplan). This special issue contributes to that scholarship by urging us to pay attention to the politics of difference, decolonizing knowledge production and building a 
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  <title>Who is an Indian? Gendered Muslim Bodies and Conditions of Belonging</title>
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    Journalists and scholars of the 1980s narrate the discontent of religious minorities in India within the context of uneven development.1 In their discontent, those minorities accuse the central government of being inherently pro-Hindu in its biases and, therefore, of internally colonizing minorities. Underlying these charges is the assumption that, since independence, religious minorities have never been included in the nation-building process because the &amp;#x22;essential&amp;#x22; Indians are upper-caste, upper-class Hindu males. The violent ruptures, involving public demonstrations, unrest, and deadly government repression, through the 1980s challenge this assumption by attempting to redefine the nation and its many conditions 
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    &amp;#x22;Puno, so close to the sky, [but] so far away from Lima.&amp;#x22;In an interview broadcast on national television in March of 2023, the Secretary of Education in Peru, Oscar Becerra, compared the Aymara women who had joined the national protests in Lima against the government to animals.1 These women had traveled many days and more than eight hundred miles to reach the capital of Peru as a last attempt to make their voices heard. Most of these women came from the region of Puno, which is located in the southern highlands near the border with Bolivia. Their delegation was part of an Aymara wave of demonstrators who opposed the violent reaction of President Dina Boluarte&amp;#39;s regime to the protests that started in this region 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/973550"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>Navigating Trauma and Healing: A US Diasporic Response to Woman, Life, Freedom</title>
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    When I began writing this paper, I set out to explore how unprocessed trauma among a group of Woman, Life, Freedom (WLF) organizers kept surfacing to disrupt our relationships and efforts during the movement&amp;#39;s first year, which began in September 2022. I sensed that the friction between us echoed wounds far older than the movement itself. To trace those frictions, I turned inward, grounding the paper in two formative experiences from my middle school years in early 1980s Iran&amp;#x2014;one of which centered on my father.After submitting the first draft to this journal, the story about my father refused to settle. It lingered uneasily in me. Something about how I had written it felt untrue. During the peer review period, that 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/973550"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>No Peace for Afghanistan: Afghan Women's Epistemic Resistance and the Failures of International Peacebuilding Efforts</title>
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    The peace negotiations between the US and the Taliban, initiated in 2018, aimed to end the long-standing conflict in Afghanistan. However, amid discussions on military withdrawal and the Taliban&amp;#39;s political future, the vital issues of women&amp;#39;s rights and their role in peacebuilding were frequently sidelined. Despite the endorsement of women&amp;#39;s involvement in peace processes through the UNSCR 1325, the practical implementation of this resolution was glaringly insufficient (Moghadam, &amp;#x22;Peace-building&amp;#x22;).Diverse categories of Afghan women&amp;#x2014;particularly those with access to public platforms&amp;#x2014;have long engaged in advocacy and peace efforts. However, during the peace negotiations, their contributions were significantly 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/973550"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>Negotiating Nationalism, Intersectionality, and Settler Colonialism in Palestinian Women's Autobiographies</title>
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    Throughout the long history of colonialism, colonizers consistently claim to have saved, modernized, or liberated women in the territories they have occupied. Zionism, however, as a settler colonial project, sought more than that&amp;#x2014;it &amp;#x22;required the practical elimination of the natives in order to establish itself on their territory,&amp;#x22; as Patrick Wolfe contends (389). Within this framework, Indigenous women, being reproductive subjects, have been perceived as &amp;#x22;demographic threats&amp;#x22; (Shalhoub-Kevorkian 2). Indeed, as Nada Elia observes, Zionism &amp;#x22;has always wanted them [Palestinian women] dead&amp;#x22; (Elia, par. 5). This eliminative impulse has catalyzed a more determined, radical, and nuanced form of nationalism among 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/973550"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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