Project MUSE®: Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State and Society - Latest Articles
https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/234
Project MUSE®: Latest articles in Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State and Society.daily12026-05-11T00:00:00-05:00text/htmlen-USVol. 10 (2003) through current issueLatest Articles: Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State and SocietyTWOProject MUSE®Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State and Society1468-28931072-4745Latest articles in Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State and Society. Feed provided by Project MUSE®Autocratization and Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, and Intersex Rights in Brazil: Contextualizing Attacks and Resistances under Bolsonaro's Government
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987318
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Since 2010, Brazil has made progress in recognizing lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and intersex (LGBTQI) rights, principally through judicial decisions. Decisions by Supreme Court Justices guaranteed the right for same-sex1 couples to get married, made it possible for transgender people to change their names and gender markers on documents, criminalized homophobia and transphobia, confirmed the right to sex education, and allowed blood donation by men who have sex with men (Côrtes and Buzolin 2024). These legislative advances gave Brazil some of the strongest protective rights for LGBTQI people among Latin America countries, and indeed the world (Maia, Chiu, and Desposatto 2023).While LGBTQI rights
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Project MUSE®https://muse.jhu.edu/2026-05-11T00:00:00-05:00https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/234/image/coversmallAutocratization and Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, and Intersex Rights in Brazil: Contextualizing Attacks and Resistances under Bolsonaro's Government2026-04-08text/htmlen-USAutocratization and Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, and Intersex Rights in Brazil: Contextualizing Attacks and Resistances under Bolsonaro's Government2026-04-082026TWOProject MUSE®1091632026-05-11T00:00:00-05:002026-04-08Bridging the Gender Gap in Ghanaian Local Governance: Key Enablers and Pathways
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987319
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Women's participation in politics and governance has received increased global attention, indicating a growing recognition of the importance of gender equality and equity, and women's empowerment in democratic processes and development agendas (Azinim and Musah 2023; Bauer and Britton 2006). Women's exclusion from political participation has deep historical roots. The 1848 Seneca Falls Convention in the United States marked a pivotal moment when women formally challenged their political marginalization through the "Declaration of Sentiments," demanding suffrage rights and equal political representation (Ballington et al. 2012). This advocacy for women's political participation has evolved into a global movement
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Project MUSE®https://muse.jhu.edu/2026-05-11T00:00:00-05:00https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/234/image/coversmallBridging the Gender Gap in Ghanaian Local Governance: Key Enablers and Pathways2026-04-08text/htmlen-USBridging the Gender Gap in Ghanaian Local Governance: Key Enablers and Pathways2026-04-082026TWOProject MUSE®1149472026-05-11T00:00:00-05:002026-04-08Pushing for Gender Mainstreaming: Women's Presence and Alliances at the Local Level in Spain
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987320
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An important debate in gender representation studies revolves around whether women's presence in politics correlates with the development of gender-equal policies. Some argue that the limited presence of women, presumed to be key advocates for gender equality, in political institutions hampers the adoption of feminist policies (Catalano Weeks 2022a). Others contend that women's presence as representatives alone is not sufficient to overcome staunch resistance to implementing a gendered political agenda (Benschop and Verloo 2006; Freidenvall and Ramberg 2021; Mergaert and Lombardo 2014; Ylöstalo 2016), particularly in the face of radical right populist opposition to gender equality (Kantola and Lombardo
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Project MUSE®https://muse.jhu.edu/2026-05-11T00:00:00-05:00https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/234/image/coversmallPushing for Gender Mainstreaming: Women's Presence and Alliances at the Local Level in Spain2026-04-08text/htmlen-USPushing for Gender Mainstreaming: Women's Presence and Alliances at the Local Level in Spain2026-04-082026TWOProject MUSE®2059042026-05-11T00:00:00-05:002026-04-08Between Coping, Co-optation, and Resistance: Strategies of (En)Countering Anti-gender Challenges in Local Governance in the Context of Democratic Backsliding
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987321
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Worldwide anti-gender mobilizations targeting gender equality policies (Rodríguez Gustá and Laura 2021) and gender scholarship and activism (Krizsán and Roggeband 2021; Özbay and İpekçi 2024; Zaremberg, Tabbush, and, Friedman 2021) exhibit similar repertoires, such as the creation of moral panic for "protecting families and children" from "gender ideology." They also display contextual specificity shaped by the configuration of actors, alliances, and discourses (Graff and Korolczuk 2021). In hybrid regimes, such as Russia, Hungary, and Turkey, anti-gender mobilizations are government-led with support from government-organized non-governmental organizations (GONGOs). As anti-gender politics and democratic
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Project MUSE®https://muse.jhu.edu/2026-05-11T00:00:00-05:00https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/234/image/coversmallBetween Coping, Co-optation, and Resistance: Strategies of (En)Countering Anti-gender Challenges in Local Governance in the Context of Democratic Backsliding2026-04-08text/htmlen-USBetween Coping, Co-optation, and Resistance: Strategies of (En)Countering Anti-gender Challenges in Local Governance in the Context of Democratic Backsliding2026-04-082026TWOProject MUSE®1375862026-05-11T00:00:00-05:002026-04-08Populist Radical Right Frames of Gender and Sexuality in France and Italy: Targeting Feminists and Other Enemies of the People
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987322
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In the past decade, in Europe, populist radical right (PRR)1 politics has become increasingly connected with anti-gender campaigns. These have equipped the PRR with new tools to support its exclusionary populist agenda. Today (some) PRR parties are important actors in anti-gender networks, associating with other anti-feminist forces in a coordinated attempt to oppose gender+ equality (Kuhar and Paternotte 2017). Umbrella notions such as "globalizing right-wing populist complex" (Roth and Sauer 2022) or "politicized moral conservatives" (Ayoub and Stoeckl 2024) are used to define this transnational network of actors—including political parties, NGOs, and religious organizations—targeting "gender ideology," intended
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Project MUSE®https://muse.jhu.edu/2026-05-11T00:00:00-05:00https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/234/image/coversmallPopulist Radical Right Frames of Gender and Sexuality in France and Italy: Targeting Feminists and Other Enemies of the People2026-04-08text/htmlen-USPopulist Radical Right Frames of Gender and Sexuality in France and Italy: Targeting Feminists and Other Enemies of the People2026-04-082026TWOProject MUSE®1239922026-05-11T00:00:00-05:002026-04-08Staying Power: Unpacking Seniority as a Gendered Informal Institution in Parliament
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987323
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Seniority in office is an informal institution that shapes power dynamics and parliamentarians' influence within legislative chambers. Even in systems where parliamentarians are ostensibly equal, institutional norms often reward seniority, giving incumbents advantages over newcomers (Kerevel and Atkeson 2015). Scholars have long observed that newcomers in parliaments—and women newcomers in particular—face disadvantages that affect both their actions and perceptions (Beckwith 2007; Cowley and Childs 2003; Puwar 2004). For example, new arrivals may be perceived as lacking legitimacy by other political actors (Ollion 2024) and often face greater obstacles, particularly if young (Erikson and Josefsson 2022).While
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Project MUSE®https://muse.jhu.edu/2026-05-11T00:00:00-05:00https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/234/image/coversmallStaying Power: Unpacking Seniority as a Gendered Informal Institution in Parliament2026-04-08text/htmlen-USStaying Power: Unpacking Seniority as a Gendered Informal Institution in Parliament2026-04-082026TWOProject MUSE®1222112026-05-11T00:00:00-05:002026-04-08Education as a Field of Contention: Feminist and Anti-gender Struggles over Democracy
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987324
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As a cornerstone of socialization, education shapes values, norms, and identities, offering significant potential for both challenging and perpetuating societal inequalities. Sexuality education has historically been at the center of controversial debates regarding when it should begin, its content, whether it should be taught to children and who should be responsible for delivering it (Robinson, Smith, and Davies 2017; Venegas 2025). From a pedagogical perspective, it implies an holistic approach which focuses on the biological aspects of sexuality, reproductive health, prevention of sexually transmitted infections, and development of personal skills related to sexual well-being, along with initiatives aimed at
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Project MUSE®https://muse.jhu.edu/2026-05-11T00:00:00-05:00https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/234/image/coversmallEducation as a Field of Contention: Feminist and Anti-gender Struggles over Democracy2026-04-08text/htmlen-USEducation as a Field of Contention: Feminist and Anti-gender Struggles over Democracy2026-04-082026TWOProject MUSE®1511372026-05-11T00:00:00-05:002026-04-08Perceived Corruption and Women's Representation in the Executive Branch
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987325
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Corruption or the abuse of entrusted power for private gain (Treisman 2007) not only hinders sustainable economic development but also blocks the access of political outgroups to positions of political power (e.g. parliaments and cabinets) (Esarey and Schwindt-Bayer 2019). When it comes to research measuring the effect of (perceived) corruption on women's representation, we know that women are underrepresented at the executive level (Höhmann 2023; Horobet et al. 2024). Some evidence also shows that female ministers are less likely to hold high-prestige portfolios (Tremblay and Stockemer 2013; Curtin, Kerby, and Dowding 2023). Yet, there is limited research about how corruption or perceived corruption shapes these
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Project MUSE®https://muse.jhu.edu/2026-05-11T00:00:00-05:00https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/234/image/coversmallPerceived Corruption and Women's Representation in the Executive Branch2026-04-08text/htmlen-USPerceived Corruption and Women's Representation in the Executive Branch2026-04-082026TWOProject MUSE®1206842026-05-11T00:00:00-05:002026-04-08Women's Voting Preferences in Europe: A Replication of the Gender Gap Analysis on the National Level
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987326
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Research into gender differences in political behavior has been a foundational aspect of political science since its inception. While men and women participate in voting at comparable rates (Kittilson 2016), their political ideologies often diverge, significantly impacting electoral outcomes. Historically women tended to vote more conservatively than men, but a significant shift in the 1980s saw women's political preferences move in a more progressive direction, ultimately reversing the gender gap in voting patterns (Inglehart and Norris 2000; Giger 2009; Abendschön and Steinmetz 2014). More recently, concerns about a widening gender gap, especially among younger generations (Shorrocks 2018), have become
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Project MUSE®https://muse.jhu.edu/2026-05-11T00:00:00-05:00https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/234/image/coversmallWomen's Voting Preferences in Europe: A Replication of the Gender Gap Analysis on the National Level2026-04-08text/htmlen-USWomen's Voting Preferences in Europe: A Replication of the Gender Gap Analysis on the National Level2026-04-082026TWOProject MUSE®1529042026-05-11T00:00:00-05:002026-04-08