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  <title>Managing Foreign Policy and National Security Challenges in Presidential Transitions</title>
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    The process of transferring power from a sitting U.S. president to a president-elect is one of the most distinctive and perilous features of the American constitutional system&amp;#x2014;a time of great hope and optimism, but also one of great risk. From the earliest days of the Cold War, how the old and new leaders have navigated this strait has literally been a matter of survival for the United States and for the stability and prosperity of the entire world. The end of the Cold War has changed the nature of the dangers, but in many ways the two-and-a-half-month transition that will take place at the end of this year poses even greater challenges than in the past. These 72 days are fraught with suspense, tension, promise
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  <title>The Merits of Dehyphenation: Explaining U.S. Success in Engaging India and Pakistan</title>
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    Whether the civil nuclear cooperation agreement with India is completed right away or whether the war on terrorism in Pakistan chalks up more successes in the next few months, the recent U.S. approach toward South Asia represents a dramatically successful example of what many believe Washington is congenitally incapable: the capacity to think strategically over the long term and implement complex policies that require diplomatic adroitness and political agility.Although specific elements of this policy have been controversial and the gains accruing to them more tentative, the regional approach currently pursued toward India and Pakistan has nevertheless been more successful than could have been imagined when 
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  <title>Strategic Collaboration: How the United States Can Thrive as Other Powers Rise</title>
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    The United States is about to enter its first presidential transition since the September 11 attacks. In January 2009, President-elect John Mc Cain or Barack Obama will face a radically different world than the one that George W. Bush inherited. Beyond the instability in the Middle East, several large, assertive powers&amp;#x2014;China, India, and Russia&amp;#x2014;have reemerged on the world stage. Two others, the European Union and Japan, remain strong and are going through their own transitions. This strategic environment is unlike any the United States has ever encountered. This new landscape poses risks but also offers opportunities for the United States if it takes advantage of the moment. The next administration must invest anew 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/246822"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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    The next U.S. commander in chief will face the most daunting defense inheritance in generations when he takes the oath of office in January. Not since the Johnson-Nixon hand off 40 years ago has the country faced such a challenging wartime transition. Ongoing wars in Iraq and Afghanistan will force the new president to make early and consequential decisions regarding the U.S. approach toward both conflicts as well as the search for al Qaeda&amp;#39;s top leadership in the lawless frontier lands along the Afghan-Pakistani border.President John McCain or Barack Obama will inherit a military that, although still the best in the world, is experiencing profound strains after nearly seven years of constant warfare. A young 
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/246814">
  <title>Conservatives and Progressives in South Korea</title>
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    A great deal of analysis on South Korean attitudes on international relations assumes two camps: conservatives and progressives. Conservatives are fundamentally defined by South Korea&amp;#39;s adversarial relationship with North Korea and the U.S. role in ensuring South Korea&amp;#39;s security. Consequently, they see the health and security of the nation predicated on cultivating a close partnership with the United States and vigilance against the ever-menacing threat from the North. Progressives, on the other hand, radically oppose that narrative, seeing the North more as a kin nation with which to be reconciled and the United States as a disruptive interloper. This prevailing portrait has had enormous influence in driving 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/246822"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/246815">
  <title>The EU's Test in Kosovo</title>
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    Yesterday&amp;#39;s fierce arguments about Kosovo cast (Albanian) adherents of self-determination against (Serb) champions of sovereign rights. Today&amp;#39;s more pragmatic feuds, half a year after Kosovo declared and began practicing &amp;#x22;supervised independence,&amp;#x22; pit optimists against pessimists.Without quite calling the exercise a slam dunk, European optimists claim that size, commitment, and geography all work in favor of the European Union&amp;#39;s most ambitious foreign policy venture to date: building capacity in rule of law and the mentality to go with it in a land that has traditionally sought justice through personal connections. A senior German diplomat commented that &amp;#x22;[w]e are doing so much for Kosovo in troops, money, and 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/246822"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>Picture the Problem: What Does the World Want from America?</title>
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    The Pew Global Attitudes Project asked people to name the two biggest threats facing the world today...Source: &amp;#x22;Global Unease with Major World Powers,&amp;#x22; Pew Global Attitudes Project, June 27, 2007, p. 33.Expectations are high that the next president will take America&amp;#39;s foreign policy in a positive direction. Optimism is highest in Europe and lowest in Asia, where many people are alarmed by anti-trade rhetoric. How particular countries stack up...Source: &amp;#x22;Global Economic Gloom,&amp;#x22; Pew Global Attitudes Project, June 12, 2008, p. 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/246822"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>A Less Ideological America</title>
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    As the United States gets closer to electing its 44th president, there is a keen sense of interest in Russia in the outcome of a most thrilling race for the White House, but also a palpable feeling of detachment about the possible implications for Russian-U.S. relations. There is a consensus that, after eight years of George W. Bush, America will enter a period of major foreign policy adjustment, but Russia will not be at the heart of it. No one seriously expects a magical transformation of U.S. foreign policy, but there is a hope that the state of world affairs will make the next U.S. administration less ideological and more pragmatic.Ideally, from a Russian perspective, the next administration will act on the 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/246822"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>Europe's Call for a Leader by Example</title>
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    The change in U.S. administration in January 2009 is one of the most anticipated in recent times outside of the United States, especially in Europe. The reason is self-evident; the last eight years have witnessed a deep shift in international perceptions of the purpose and value of U.S. power on the world stage. As opinion polls have consistently demonstrated, this shift has not been a positive one. The exercise of U.S. power during this period has been seen neither as a benign nor as a stabilizing force. Solid majorities across Europe finding U.S. leadership in international affairs to be a positive factor have become persistent minorities, with significant declines even among traditional supporters of the United 
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    No region of the world has been more shaken by U.S. policy over the past decade than the Middle East. The U.S. invasion of Iraq has unleashed Shi&amp;#39;a-Sunni tensions, empowered Iran, and spread refugees and violence to Iraq&amp;#39;s neighbors. The U.S. push for democracy in the region has backfired and mostly harmed the very dissidents that the United States intended to empower. Hamas and Hizballah, militant groups labeled as terrorist organizations by the United States, have gained power and prestige at the expense of U.S. allies. Iran has made huge strides in its effort to master nuclear power, stirring fear among its neighbors. The perceived tilt in U.S. policy toward Israel has become even more pronounced, leaving 
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    Unlike the dominant sentiment in the United States and many other countries for change in Washington, New Delhi seeks continuity in its engagement with the next U.S. administration. Although much of the world cannot wait to see the back of the Bush administration, New Delhi, in contrast, immensely values the historic changes already wrought by the Clinton and Bush administrations in the U.S. approach to India. President Bill Clinton ended the historic U.S. tilt toward Pakistan in its protracted conflict with India over Jammu and Kashmir. President George W. Bush has sought to resolve the long-standing U.S. dispute with India on nonproliferation with a civil nuclear initiative that integrates India into the global 
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    Since the beginning of the Bush administration, many changes&amp;#x2014;some quite unexpected&amp;#x2014;have occurred in East Asia as well as in the United States itself. Even though some have expressed a level of complacency with President George W. Bush&amp;#39;s achievements in Asia,1 U.S. Asia policy practices have been driven by events&amp;#x2014;its China policy moved from a perception of Beijing as a &amp;#x22;strategic competitor&amp;#x22; to seeking cooperative and constructive relations after the EP-3 spy plane midair collision and the September 11 terrorist attacks&amp;#x2014;or by the situation&amp;#x2014;the North Korean nuclear issue&amp;#x2014;rather than guided by a deep understanding of the changes occurring in the region and their implications for the United States. The U.S. political 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/246822"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>Return from 9/11 PTSD to Global Leader</title>
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    The main theme of the foreign policy debate in the ongoing U.S. presidential campaign is how to restore the U.S. reputation in the world. Five years after the Iraq war, a consensus has emerged, not just in the United States but throughout the rest of the world, that the war will not bring about the Iraqi state for which the Bush administration had originally planned and hoped. As a result, the post&amp;#x2013;September 11 U.S. strategy, consisting of preemptive warfare, democracy promotion, and unilateralism, has been widely discredited. The United States has suffered from what could be described as 9/11 post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which has enormously hindered its capability to play the role of world leader.Japan 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/246822"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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