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    HOW do autocrats reduce elite threats to their survival? Existing accounts of autocratic politics emphasize repression and co-optation as the two most effective strategies to reduce such threats.1 To study them, scholars rely on aggregate measures including the presence of institutions to co-opt elites or purges to repress them.2 But existing explanations and measures cannot capture the more specific strategies that autocrats use in their daily interactions with elites. Within institutions, autocrats can co-opt or repress by appointing, promoting, demoting, dismissing, shuffling, reappointing, or replacing individual officials. What constitutes reward or punishment (or neither) is not always clear in the process of 
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  <title>Making or Breaking Citizens? Criminal Organizations and State-Society Relations</title>
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    CRIMINAL organizations operate allcivil society, community over the world, often with devastating consequences for individuals and communities. Deaths from criminal conflict now surpass deaths from civil war1 and, in many countries, these conditions have persisted for a decade or more. How do citizens respond to criminal threats? Conventional wisdom is that it is difficult, if not impossible, for civilians to mobilize against criminal groups due to the severe security risks such action poses. Prior studies find that criminal organizations demobilize citizens and civil society&amp;#x2014;that is, organized crime breaks citizens.2But a growing literature finds that civilians sometimes mobilize against criminal organizations. 
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  <title>The More Things Change: Legacies of Race and Segregation in South Africa's Land Reform</title>
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    South Africa is one of the world&amp;#39;s most unequal countries due to the legacy of colonial and apartheid laws that confined the 80 percent black majority to only 13 percent of the country&amp;#39;s land. Since 1994, the state has undertaken an ambitious market-based program to redistribute land to black South Africans and develop black agriculture. Yet the state has only been able to redistribute land in certain areas of the country, and land transfers vary starkly from province to province. For example, the government has transferred only 4 percent of all white-owned farmland to black farmers in the Free State province through land reform, but in the neighboring KwaZulu-Natal (kzn) province,1 it has transferred 30 percent of 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987807"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>State Reach and Gender Norms: Examining the Uptake of Equitable Land Rights</title>
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    GOVERNMENTS throughout the world have established policies that aim to protect citizens and to promote equitable development by replacing or reforming social institutions.1 Policymakers enact laws that prohibit ethnic, religious, and racial discrimination in hopes of altering the social rules of the game. State governments revise labor laws in attempts to eliminate child labor and indentured servitude.2 They also take measures to replace such community practices as open defecation, home births, and female genital cutting to improve public welfare.3In recent years, fueled by global movements to empower women, governments have sought to shape social institutions related to gender. Such efforts are notable, as these 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/987807"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>Rightful Challengers: How Chinese Criminal Defense Lawyers Encourage Judge-Prosecutor Disagreement</title>
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    IN authoritarian regimes, courts are often perceived as tools of the autocrats, and lawyers are seen as powerless. Although some authoritarian courts possess a degree of autonomy,1 they often simultaneously serve various functions for the regimes, such as social control, regime legitimization, and the preservation of elite cohesion.2 A common assumption about the role of lawyers is that those who are active and politically liberal face state repression, while other lawyers are either co-opted by the state or function as apolitical hired guns.3 Regardless of these categories, legal representation is generally thought to have minimal impact on judicial decisions or state authority.We propose a new perspective on the 
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