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    It is with deep sadness, yet a profound sense of accomplishment, that we are announcing that the current issue of the Mediterranean Quarterly will be the last. For the past thirty years, this journal has provided a vital outlet for the publication of important essays related to the Mediterranean region and the wider world. We would like to take this opportunity to thank this journal&amp;#x2019;s many supporters throughout its entire existence.While space does not permit us to mention by name everyone who has played a critical role in the journal&amp;#x2019;s success, the Mediterranean Quarterly would never have existed without the inspiration of its two key founders, the late Professor Nikolaos A. Stavrou and the late Minos X. Kyriakou. 
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/717680">
  <title>The Macedonian Question: An Identity-Based Conflict</title>
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    The issue between the state known as the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) and Greece over the former&amp;#x2019;s constitutional name is more than twenty-seven years old. Since FYROM&amp;#x2019;s birth in 1991, many attempts at a resolution to FYROM&amp;#x2019;s official name have been made without results. In a way, this controversy between Athens and Skopje has evolved into an identity-based difference between two states and their people.This essay examines the normative and empirical discourses about this issue and analyzes the strategic options for Greece. The historical background of the dispute and how it has evolved are presented. The various strategies that have been followed by Greek governments for its resolution are 
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    If there was ever a case demonstrating that good intentions in foreign policy are not enough, the 2011 US-led military intervention in Libya is that case. US policymakers sought to prevent a slaughter of innocents, overthrow the brutal dictator Muammar Gaddafi, and help install a new, democratic regime. Their prevailing assumption was that Libya would enjoy a much better future as a result of US and Western ministrations.But policies must be judged by their consequences, not their intentions. The consequences in Libya have been nothing short of horrific. Instead of becoming a stable, democratic country, post-Gaddafi Libya has degenerated into an arena of violent anarchy among numerous rival militias, many of which 
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  <title>Turkey’s Play with Its Military: Civil-Military Relations before and after the 2016 Coup</title>
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    The literature of Turkish civil-military relations enjoyed an overly optimistic wave from 2005 onward. Given the ongoing legislative reforms curbing the military&amp;#x2019;s privileges and its actions in the political domain, a majority of analysts were safe to assert that the supremacy of the civilian authorities over the military was established, and that the Turkish military was on its way &amp;#x201C;toward a liberal model.&amp;#x201D;1 There was a paradigm shift for the Turkish military and this optimist wave came to an end during the coup era in Turkey.2Counterintuitively, in an earlier essay in Mediterranean Quarterly, I had argued, &amp;#x201C;Whether civilian control is permanent or reversible is still a key question. The political thoughts and the 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/717688"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/717683">
  <title>Islamic Populism and Creating Desirable Citizens in Erdogan’s New Turkey</title>
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    &#x3C;p&#x3E;&#x3C;/p&#x3E;
    Under Kemalist rule, the Turkish educational system was wiped of all religious courses and influences and was shaped in a positivist and Westernist fashion as part of the Kemalist nation-building project. While the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002 with the stated purpose of removing such Kemalist notions and liberating the Turkish educational system as part of its broader aim to liberate Turkish sociopolitical structures, sixteen years later successive AKP governments have managed to remove Kemalism only to replace it with their Islamist social-engineering project that is as authoritarian, conservative, and regressive than the Kemalist one, if not more so. The Turkish educational system
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/717688"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/717684">
  <title>Why Greeks Perceive Refugee Flows as a Security Threat</title>
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    Since 2013, Europe has experienced a rapid increase in refugee flows. During the summer of 2015, an unprecedented crisis occurred when close to 1 million refugees arrived at European shores. According to data from the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), close to 1.8 million refugees had arrived in Europe by sea by the end of 2017.1 The majority of the flows came from three areas:Countries of the Middle East and North Africa, such as Algeria, Iraq, Libya, Morocco, and SyriaAfrican countries, such as Eritrea, Gambia, Guinea, and NigeriaSouth Asian countries, such as Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and PakistanDue to their geographic location, Greece, Italy, and Spain have been forced to deal with most of 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/717688"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/717685">
  <title>Modern Greece and the Diaspora Greeks in the United States by George Kaloudis (review)</title>
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    Poor economic conditions, instability within the country and the region, and a unique geographic location explain Greece&amp;#x2019;s intimate connection with migration, mostly as a sender and less frequently as receiver of refugees or returnees. In Modern Greece and Diaspora Greeks in the United States, George Kaloudis, a native of Greece and a US-educated academic, has tackled an important and, in view of the rising tides of anti-immigrant sentiments in Europe and the United States, increasingly relevant subject. The author recognizes that dealing with the Greek diaspora throughout the ecumene would be an enormous task and instead focuses the book on the causes and evolution of Greek immigration to the United States as well 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/717688"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/717686">
  <title>The End of Middle Class Politics? by Sotiris Rizas (review)</title>
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    The 2008 economic near-meltdown confirmed what has been in the offing since the advent of neoliberalism and globalization more than three decades ago: universal, adult, franchise-propelled, entitlement-based middle-class prosperity&amp;#x2014;one of the most visible achievements of the Western economic way of life&amp;#x2014;was no longer sustainable. For instance, the percentage of Americans who considered themselves middle class declined from 61 percent in 2008 to 51 percent in 2016. Similar trends appeared in Europe as well. The weakened position of the middle class was one of the main issues addressed in the 2016 US presidential election. Fearful of being accused of invoking class warfare, the various candidates avoided the term 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/717688"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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<item rdf:about="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/717687">
  <title>Orthodox Christian Perspectives on War ed. by Perry T. Hamalis and Valerie A. Karras (review)</title>
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    This edited volume reflects an evolving conversation within the US-based Orthodox community, which has been shaped in large part by post-1990 military conflicts. It focuses on the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s, as well as the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States and the subsequent US-led wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. The volume includes contributions related mostly to theology and political philosophy and, to a lesser extent, political science and history. There is no meaningful engagement with the fields of cultural studies, anthropology, or sociology. The volume is organized into three uneven parts and includes a very informative and lucid introduction by the editors.Part 1 consists of two 
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  <title>American Foreign Policy towards the Colonels’ Greece: Uncertain Allies and the 1967 Coup d’État by Neovi M. Karakatsanis and Jonathan Swarts (review)</title>
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    Over the past few decades there have been numerous opportunities for political scientists, political historians, and other scholars to memorialize in conferences, edited volumes, monographs, and doctoral theses both the demise of democracy in Greece in April 1967 and its restoration in July 1974. One such occasion came, for instance, last year, 2017, which marked fifty years since the military coup of 21 April. The increased interest in the period when the Colonels&amp;#x2019; oppressive regime ruled Greece has been enhanced by the frequent release of new documentation and has produced an abundance of works, ranging in perspective from international relations, regional affairs, the Cyprus issue, human rights violations
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