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  <title>Sex Ed in Yiddish: Jews, Syphilis, and the Quest for Respectability in 1930s Argentina</title>
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    &amp;#x22;Use a condom. Urinate promptly after intercourse. Thoroughly cleanse your penis with water and soap.&amp;#x22;1 These are just some pieces of guidance that Yiddish-speaking readers could find within the pages of the health and popular science periodicals Folksgezunt and Mayn doctor in mid-1930s Argentina. During that period, the Argentine government considered syphilis a significant contributor to population decline, posing a direct threat not just to public health but also to societal progress and national growth. Official governmental brochures cautioned the public about a disease that targets &amp;#x22;the individual, disrupts the family, and bastardizes the race&amp;#x22; with an annual toll of 30,000 lives and a cost of 40 million 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/972925"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>"Hebrew in Heart and Soul": Publishing for Children and Jewish Cultural Nationalism in Tsarist Russia</title>
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    In the Russian Empire, the activity of the Zionist movement, and Jewish nationalism more generally, was often expressed though cultural activity, with Hebrew publishing as one of its main routes. However, research on Hebrew cultural nationalism often focuses on landmark literary works and intellectual writing while overlooking more popular and wide-reaching aspects of modern Hebrew culture. One of these neglected aspects is the body of children&amp;#39;s cultural activity both inside and outside the classroom. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the intersection between Hebrew popular culture and the Jewish educational system&amp;#x2014;Hebrew children&amp;#39;s culture&amp;#x2014;was a vibrant domain of national activity that 
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  <title>"I Never Lived More Beautifully": The Country Houses of the Jewish Dutch Elite, 1870–1940</title>
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    Established in 1908 on a large estate in the rural province of Gelderland, country house Het Spelderholt seemed a remnant of the past, at a time when the Netherlands was rapidly industrializing, urbanization was at its height, and a lengthy agricultural crisis had been the prelude to the demise of the landed aristocracy and gentry. In many ways, Het Spelderholt, a grand, mixed-style house with a medieval-inspired tower, was an exceptional phenomenon. The house was also unusual in another respect: its owner, the 36-year-old Louis Frederik Teixeira de Mattos (Amsterdam, 1872&amp;#x2013;The Hague, 1945), was born a Jew.1 Although Dutch Jews had owned country houses (buitenhuizen) since the early modern period, these were summer 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/972925"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>Ethical and Legal Bigamy: Transatlantic Jewish Families Caught Between Conflicting Legalities, Argentina, 1930–39</title>
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    In February 1928, several weeks after bidding farewell to his wife Laja in Poland, Meyer Brener arrived in Buenos Aires. Five years later, Laja&amp;#39;s sister appeared at the Buenos Aires branch of the Jewish Association for the Protection of Girls and Women (hereafter JAPGW), Ezras Noschim (hereafter EN). She reported that Brener had neither supported his wife financially nor maintained contact with her. A year later, her husband (Laja&amp;#39;s brother-in-law) informed the organization that Brener had entered into a civil marriage with a Jewish Argentine woman named Teresa Elman. In response, the President of EN confirmed that legal proceedings had been carried out against Brener on the charge of bigamy and the annulment of 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/972925"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>Christian Statements to the Jewish World: Jewish Zionists, Anti-Zionists, and the Challenges of American Protestantism in the Early Years</title>
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    On June 11, 1915, 24 Jewish men convened at a synagogue in Massachusetts to form the Beverly Zionist Association. A leading New England Zionist, Samuel Borofsky, delivered the capstone address, which he called &amp;#x22;The Resurrection of Judea.&amp;#x22;1 Germane to the Anglo-Christian lexicon, &amp;#x22;resurrection&amp;#x22; was a startling word to appear in the title of a speech at an American Jewish Zionist forum.2 Jewish Zionist discourse tended to rely on terms of national rejuvenation with more obvious Hebrew Bible cognates, such as &amp;#x22;redemption&amp;#x22; (ge&amp;#39;ulah) or &amp;#x22;revival&amp;#x22; (te&amp;#x1E25;iyah). Among the various other Zionist platitudes Borofsky invoked in the speech, he made the case for what Christians owe Jews: &amp;#x22;The Jew gave the Christian world its 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/972925"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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  <title>Afterlife of the Sacred: Torah Scrolls on Display in Regional Holocaust Museums</title>
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    The practice of displaying Torah scrolls in Holocaust museums and exhibitions is now commonplace. For many institutions, Torah scrolls offer an evocative visual metanarrative designed to highlight the religious and cultural vitality of prewar European Jewish life and its subsequent destruction and rebirth after World War II. This symbolic account often maps onto larger national stories and political objectives. As the work of memory studies scholar James Young demonstrates, state-sponsored Holocaust museums have typically framed Holocaust history within specific national contexts. The narratives these institutions project are therefore subject to a &amp;#x22;variety of national myths, ideals, and political needs.&amp;#x22;1 
    ... &#x3C;a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/972925"&#x3E;Read More&#x3C;/a&#x3E;
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