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219 NOTES Introduction 1. “MyGuidetoQueerMemphis,” insiders.html. 2. Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue, 221, as quoted and discussed in Younge, “White History 101,” 10. 3. This book makes no claims to speak for or about lesbian identities conceived as distinct from sexual identities that include men, although this disclaimer should not be interpreted to suggest either that lesbians have produced no memory narratives or that women are irrelevant to our interests. On the contrary, we have been deeply inspired by lesbian artists and theorists, many of whom are cited and discussed in the following chapters. We mean our focus on gay men, a group with which we have particular identifications and investments, to be a case study of the constituency singled out by de-generational unremembering in the aftermath of AIDS, not a claim for cultural exceptionality. Just as there have been distinct but mutually informing histories of gay and of lesbian culture, we hope that this study will complement, not foreclose, similar work on lesbian memory narratives. 4. See also Huyssen, Present Pasts. The “hypertrophy of memory” Huyssen claims to identify here brings with it its own form of forgetting, a “memory 220 Notes to Introduction fatigue” induced by “excess and saturation in the marketing of memory” (3; see also 17). Huyssen is concerned with two strands of “the current memory narrative ”: first, a broad context that includes “the mass-marketing of nostalgia” in the form of “retro fashions and repro furniture,” “obsessive self-musealization per video recorder, memoir writing,” historical fiction, and popular documentaries such as the programming on the History Channel (a lumping together of phenomena that might be more profitably investigated in their particularity) and second, what seems to be his real focus, “the ever more ubiquitous Holocaust discourse” (14), about which he has a great deal that is interesting and specific to say. 5. On the rhetoric of de-generational unremembering from the Christian right in the 1990s, see Burlein. Three of the “five bad ideas” Focus on the Family founder and president James Dobson attributed to the 1960s are associated with sex/gender norms: “the sexual revolution, feminism, [and] divorce.” The other two are drugs and “‘God is dead’ theology” (Burlein, “Countermemory on the Right,” 209). 6. For a cogent analysis of these crackdowns and their consequences for queer sexual culture, see Berlant and Warner, “Sex in Public,” and Warner, The Trouble with Normal. 7. Muñoz’s defensiveness concerning his engagement with the era of the sexual revolution contrasts with his willingness to confront other shibboleths of established queer theory, specifically its “romance of singularity and negativity” (10), with which his ideals of collective utopia are refreshingly at odds. 8. See Edelman, No Future. Defending generational models, Elizabeth Freeman writes, “Though some feminists have advocated abandoning the generational model because it relies on family as its dominant metaphor and identity as the commodity it passes on, the concept of generations linked by political work or even by mass entertainment also acknowledges the ability of various culture industries to produce shared subjectivities that go beyond the family” (“Packing History, Count(er)ing Generations,” 729). 9. Tim Dean’s study of barebacking culture, Unlimited Intimacy, opens by insisting that this practice does not recall pre-AIDS sexuality: “Unprotected anal sex between men has become something different than it once was: barebacking does not represent a ‘relapse’ or a misguided return to what gay sex before AIDS used to be” (5). Though this rejection of the recent past is reiterated—“Fifteen years ago, a statement that explicitly characterized unsafe sex as a viable option would have been unthinkable. . . . Now, however, this announcement figures unprotected sex as a deliberate choice for which the individual must take responsibility ” (117)—it is not analyzed. Dean’s analysis makes clear that barebackers Notes to Introduction 221 are not forgetting AIDS; the virus is central to the ethos of “bug chasers” and the kinship networks of infection Dean argues characterize barebacking culture. Rather, what is being aggressively unremembered is the ethos “of protection and thus of mutual care” (5) that characterized gay sex culture’s response to AIDS in the 1980s and early 1990s. Dean does not address barebackers’ attitudes toward that sex culture, preferring to contrast their opinions with what he calls the “conservative” attitudes of other gay men, which he characterizes in terms of their advocacy of gay marriage. Nor does Dean address how barebacking culture emerged historically in relation to ideologies of safer...


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