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1. Introduction Many South African local governments feel they are facing a crisis of human mobility. Although they are formally empowered to create inclusive, secure and prosperous cities, urbanisation and international migration threaten to aggravate the HIV/AIDS crisis and raise the spectre of economic and political fragmentation and urban degeneration (see Beal et al., 2002). Although some expected elevated mobility rates were a temporary reaction to the lifting of apartheid era mobility controls, there is little evidence that movements into, through and out of South Africa’s urban centres are slowing (South African Cities Network, 2004: 36; Balbo & Marconi, 2005). These dynamics bring with them both challenges and opportunities. However, if governments fail to develop empirically informed and proactive policy responses, international migration will threaten sustainable and equitable economic growth. Rather than replacing divisions with shared rules of economic and social engagement, discrimination against non-citizens threatens further fragmentation and social marginalisation. This chapter explores how exclusion based on nationality or community of origin affects initiatives ‘to achieve a shared vision, amongst all sectors of our society, for the achievement of our goal of improving the quality of life for all citizens’ (Gauteng Provincial Government, 2005: 3). DISCRIMINATION AND DEVELOPMENT? IMMIGRATION, URBANISATION, AND SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS IN JOHANNESBURG LOREN B. LANDAU 4 Chapter|66| In investigating the potential effects of human mobility on sustainable urban development, this article draws on data collected over a three-year period through a combination of participant observation; secondary source analysis; interviews with migrants, service providers and advocates; and original survey research by the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits) and Tufts University (hereafter the Wits–Tufts survey). The survey was administered in early 2003 in seven central Johannesburg neighbourhoods with high densities of African immigrants : Berea, Bertrams, Bezuidenhout Valley, Fordsburg, Mayfair, Rosettenville and Yeoville. The sample also included South Africans, many of whom are new to the city. In total, 737 respondents were interviewed, 53 per cent South Africans and 47 per cent non-nationals. Fourteen per cent of the total sample came from the Democratic Republic of Congo, 12 per cent from Angola, 9 per cent from Ethiopia, 8 per cent from Somalia, 2 per cent from the Republic of Congo and 1 per cent from Burundi. (For more on the details of the survey, see Jacobsen & Landau 2003.) Although these data represent some of the most comprehensive information on international and domestic migrants in central Johannesburg, they do not reveal the full extent of migrancy in the city. The sample does not, for example, include Mozambicans or Zimbabweans, two of Johannesburg’s most numerous migrant populations. It also excludes wealthier migrants who move out of the inner city areas sampled. Moreover, owing to financial and logistical concerns it was not possible to construct a true sampling frame, so it is impossible to know whether respondents in the sample are typical of residents of those areas. The patterns of exclusion discussed here nevertheless illustrate many of the real and potential dangers of marginalising non-nationals. In addition to the survey discussed above, the author draws on four years of work in Johannesburg (2002–2006) during which he interacted extensively with migrants, service providers, advocates and government officials from throughout South Africa. As many of the findings reported here are drawn from participant observation, they can provide insights into the experiences of refugees in Johannesburg not available to the outside observer. That said, they are partially impressionistic and do not capture the full range of experiences, attitudes and policy deliberations. 2. The Prerequisites for Sustainable Urban Livelihoods1 Examining Gauteng Province’s Growth and Development Strategy provides an entrée into current government thinking about urban governance and development in Johannesburg’s home province. In this document, Gauteng emphasises the need to build institutions that facilitate interactions among, and service provision to, all city residents. That its first objective is the ‘provision of social and economic infrastructure and services that will build sustainable communities and contribute to halving poverty’ (Gauteng Provincial Government, 2005: 16) reflects their belief in the indivisibility of inclusivity and long-term planning. The means outlined to achieve this objective similarly echo an effort to shape a common destiny from cities characterised by fragmentation and exclusion. These include, inter alia: • Building relationships and partnerships between all sectors of society • Ensuring that the benefits of economic growth extend to all our people DISCRIMINATION AND DEVELOPMENT? IMMIGRATION, URBANIZATION, AND SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS IN JOHANNESBURG|67| • Strengthening cooperative and intergovernmental relations in a manner that reduces competition...


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