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1. Introduction Since 2000, the so-called ‘migration–development nexus’ has become a central item on the global development agenda (Gundel, 2002; Nyberg-Sørensen et al., 2002; Van Hear & Nyberg Sørensen, 2003; Haque, 2004; Sriskandarajah, 2005; de Haas 2009). Hardly a month now passes without a major international policy conference or workshop on the subject. In September 2006, the United Nations held its first High-Level Dialogue on International Migration and Development, signalling the full arrival of this critical issue on the global stage. In preparation for this event, the UN Population Division sponsored a series of expert technical workshops on various facets of the subject in 2005 (UN, 2004c, 2005a,b). Also in 2005, the UN-endorsed Global Commission on Migration published a seminal report following an intensive process of global consultations with governments and other stakeholders (GCIM, 2005). The UN’s own 2004 World Economic and Social Survey was devoted entirely to International Migration (UN, 2004b). The World Bank has taken a SURVIVING ON THE MOVE JONATHAN CRUSH AND BRUCE FRAYNE 1 Chapter|1| particular interest in the financial implications of international migration and it dedicated its most recent World Economic Survey entirely to this subject (World Bank, 2006). Other multilateral agencies such as the International Organisation for Migration (IOM, 2005) and the International Labour Organisation (ILO, 2004) have recently focused their attention on the migration and development nexus. The Global Forum on International Migration and Development is now an annual fixture on the international conference circuit. The UNDP’s 2009 Human Development Report focuses on the relationship between mobility and human development (UNDP , 2009). At the regional scale, the links between migration, poverty and development are also increasingly being recognised and debated. The dramatic growth of Regional Consultative Processes (RCPs) on migration is indicative of the increased recognition by regional groupings of states that they share common interests in the management of this issue (von Koppenfels, 2001; Klein Solomon, 2005). Within RCPs, regional responses to the development implications of migration are now high on the agenda. The Migration Dialogue for Southern Africa (MIDSA) process, jointly hosted by the IOM and the Southern African Migration Programme (SAMP), has recently held several intergovernmental forums relating to issues of migration and development. Until recently, discussions of migration and development tended to focus on the impact of the movement of migrants from the South to the North. More recently, South-South migration has garnered increasing attention in the debate (Ratha & Shaw, 2007; Castles and Wise, 2008.) However, policy responses to the challenge and opportunities of South-South migration have been much more limited, especially within Africa (Gundel, 2002; Crush, 2003; Ammasarri, 2005; Bloch, 2005, Landau & Segatti 2009). In most African and other developing countries, migration and development are seen as largely separate policy spheres. Development policies and plans do not normally integrate the realities of internal and international population mobility in any substantive manner. Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) in southern Africa, for example, largely ignore migration, despite its demonstrable importance as a survival strategy for large numbers of households (Roberts, 2006). Similarly, national immigration and migration policy is generally disconnected from development planning . Migrants who leave are pervasively seen as undermining national economic plans and those who arrive are more often seen as a threat to citizens’ rights and welfare. Migration policy is the preserve of states, and most are still focused primarily on sovereignty issues of management, enforcement and border control. Many migrant-receiving countries do not explicitly or implicitly recognise the value of immigrants and migrants to their own future national, regional and local economic development. Migrants are more commonly viewed by states and citizenries as a threat to their economic and social interests. In some southern African countries – particularly South Africa, Botswana and Namibia – opposition to migration has spilled over into intolerance and xenophobia (Crush, 2000; Crush & Pendleton, 2004; Nyamnjoh, 2006; SAMP , 2008). Similar responses to migrants are evident elsewhere in the South (Crush & Ramachandran, 2009). On the other hand, there is a growing recognition, within the SADC region at least, that a community of states with common interests needs to facilitate the intra-regional movement of people, not just trade and investment, to further the process of economic integration and SURVIVING ON THE MOVE: MIGRATION, POVERTY AND DEVELOPMENT IN SOUTHERN AFRICA|2| balanced regional development. As early as 1995, the SADC Secretariat moved to implement, first, a Protocol on the Freedom of Movement of Persons and then, when that failed, a Protocol on the Facilitation...


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