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JACOB M. LANDAU Ritual Murder Accusations in Nineteenth-Century Egypt The blood libel legend may have originated among Christians , but it has spread to the Arab world, where there is also a tradition of anti-Semitism. The following survey of late nineteenth-century instances of blood libel accusations in Egypt by Jacob M. Landau, Gersten Professor of Political Science at the Hebrew University ofJerusalem, shows how well entrenched the legend is in Egypt. For a brief discussion of blood libel reports elsewhere in the Islamic sphere, see Bernard Lewis, The Jews of Islam (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), pp. 156-59. Lewis observes (p. 158) that even in the Islamic context, the blood libel rumors almost always originated among the Christian population, especially in the Greek press. However , more recently, in the twentieth century, the accusations did not always start in the Christian community, but were rather appropriated by certain Egyptian Muslim newspapers for anti-Semitic propaganda purposes (p. 159). Persecution of the Jews in Egypt during the last thirty years of the nineteenth century has not received much attention in historical studies of the Jews of Egypt 1 or in other books.2 Perhaps the famous Damascus ritual murder accusation of 1840 overshadowed lesser-and equally baseless-ones in the East. From the beginning of the 1870s, the number of ritReprinted from Jacob M. Landau, Middle Eastern Themes: Papers in History and Politics (London: Frank Cass, 1973, pp. 99-142. It was first published in Sefiinot (Jerusalem) 5(1961):417-60. Translated and published by permission of the Ben Zvi Institute, Jerusalem. 197 Jacob M. Landau ual murder accusations increased in both European and Asiatic Turkey-in Izmir, Istanbul, Magnesia, Adalya, and other towns. From 1884 to 1901 they occurred also at Bayrami<; (near the Dardanelles), in Istanbul, Salonika, and even as far south as Damascus and Beirut and as far west as Monastir and Kavala. In most of these cases, a Greek mob spread a rumor that a Christian child had been kidnapped and slaughtered -usually around Passover. In some cases, the authorities discovered that the plotters had hidden the child and they were arrested.3 Although it is difficult to connect the ritual murder accusations in Egypt with other such occurrences in the Ottoman Empire, it is reasonable to assume that they were caused by similar circumstances. Such accusations throughout the Ottoman Empire came to the knowledge of Jewish organizations in Western Europe and were reported in the Jewish and general press4-but this was not so with regard to the persecution of the Jews in Egypt. Consequently, it may be worthwhile to publish the documents concerning the ritual murder accusations which have been stored in various archives and to try to determine their place within the context of the period in which they took place. The Documents and Their Significance The fifteen documents printed below have been copied from the Foreign Ministries in London and Rome and they complement one another. They can be divided into six main groups, according to date and subject.s The first category contains only one document: a letter in French from the committee of the Jewish Community in Alexandria to Colonel Stanton, British Consul General in Egypt, dated 23 May 1870 (Document I). An elderly Jew named Sason6 had been arrested and the population of the city stressed the man's Jewishness, even claiming he was a rabbi. He was held for a month without being charged and the press exploited his imprisonment for incitement. Newspapers from Malta 7 and Alexandria hinted at the designs of 198 Ritual Murder Accusations in Nineteenth-Century Egypt this "rabbi" to kidnap a Christian child8 in order to strangle him and use his blood for the baking of matzah for Passover -this despite the fact that it happened at the end of holiday . The Maltese in Alexandria plotted to attack the synagogue ; some of the Jews of the city began to talk about retaliation; the committee of the Jewish community therefore appealed to the British Consul General to use his influence to secure the freedom of the prisoner and prevent riots in the city.9 The second grouping also consists of only one document (Document II). G. B. Machiavelli, the Italian Consul in Alexandria , informed the Italian Foreign Minister, Cairoli, on 1 April 1880, that the fact that a Greek boy had fallen from a balcony into the yard of the synagogue of Alexandria had given the Greeks an opportunity to accuse the Jews of a plot.1O Four doctors 11 who examined the body testified that they had not found any external wounds. But the Greek mob nevertheless vilified the Jews and attacked them with local Arabs joining in the fray.12 Machiavelli demanded that the police protect those Jews who were Italian subjects, a number of whom had been insulted or attacked. When a delegation of Jewish dignitaries appealed to him, he also asked the Italian Consul General in Cairo to intervene with the Egyptian authorities to send reinforcements to the tiny (four hundred strong) police force of Alexandria. Three days later Machiavelli again wrote to Cairoli that order had been restored and that everything had been done to prevent a recurrence of the attacks against the Jews with Italian citizenship in particular and Jews in general.13 The third and largest section consists of six documents relating to the ritual murder accusation of March 1881. The first (Document III) is a report by Charles A. Cookson, British Consul in Alexandria, to E. B. Malet, British Consul General in Cairo, dated 23 March 1881. Cookson tells of a ten-year-old Greek boy 14 who had disappeared from home. Rumors had spread that the Jews were using his blood for the baking of matzah. A delegation of Jewish dignitaries, British subjects, had come to his office and expressed its concern about what they feared might happen. Cookson ap199 Jacob M. Landau pealed to the governor of Alexandria and was promised that everything possible would be done, but doubted whether the police-even with reinforcements they would number only fifteen hundred men-could enforce law and order. When he applied to the Greek Consul General in Alexandria, Rangabe, he was told that the child of a Greek family,lS an Ottoman subject, had disappeared on his way to school. The Greek mob had threatened to attack and loot the Jewish quarter and only he had managed to calm the mob. Suspicion had fallen on the Baruch family l6 whose children the boy had frequently visited and played with. The family was arrested, but no proof was found to convict it except for the admission by one little girl that the Greek boy had eaten in their home soon before he disappeared. According to Cookson, Rangabe showed readiness to cooperate and even to ask the influential Greek Patriarch to soothe the Greeks. Cookson stressed the danger of riots breaking out, since the population of Alexandria was made up of the scum of EuropeGreeks and Italians of the lowest sort, who sought every opportunity to loot-and there was danger that the local police would not be able to stop them. In the meanwhile the boy's body was retrieved from the water. The governor of Alexandria asked that Cookson send a representative for the first examination. When the fear of new riots arose,I7 he again appealed to the Italian and French Consuls as well as to the governor of Alexandria, asking for their intervention. The governor announced that the boy's parents had agreed to the transfer of the body to the Greek hospital in town for autopsy and that military reinforcements had meanwhile arrived from Cairo. Three Jewish dignitaries later came to report attacks on Jews 18 and a British subject complained that a Greek had assaulted him because he was in the company of a Jew. The second document IDocument IV) is a report from Machiavelli to de Martino, Italian Consul General in Cairo, dated 24 March 1881. A few days earlier a nine-year-old boy of Cretan origin had disappeared. He had been accustomed to playing with Jewish childrenin theirhomes, and on the day of his disappearance he had visited a Jewish home. The Greek 200 Ritual Murder Accusations in Nineteenth-Century Egypt community in Alexandria demanded the return of the boy and the suspected Jewish family was arrested. Machiavelli feared that the thirteen hundred 19 policemen and soldiers would not be able to control the two hundred thousand residents of Alexandria. The boy's body was, in the meantime, retrieved from the sea, and no signs of violence were found on it. The family, however, refused an autopsy and thus the incitement against the Jews continued. The British and French Consuls, together with Machiavelli, called the city governor's attention to the attacks against the Jews. However , only after an autopsy had confirmed the preliminary medical findings,20 and military units arrived from Cairo, did the riots subside. The Alexandrian authorities did not act firmly and some Jews were attacked-among them four Italian subjects, three of whom were lightly wounded. A Jew of French citizenship was badly hurt in the eye, and the number of Egyptian subjects injured was not known. The third document in this group (Document V) is a report from the same Machiavelli to Foreign Minister Cairoli, dated 25 March 1881. In this report he states that the Jews were continuing to suffer, although the attacks had become somewhat milder. Even the most prestigious of the Greek families of Alexandria were participating in the riots against the Jews, and a Greek who had attacked a Jew and was detained, was "saved" with their aid from the police. The Greek Consul General refused to take legal steps against them. He even told Machiavelli that the bereaved family of the boy wanted to exploit its tragedy in order to obtain money and that he was collecting a fund for them. Cookson's report to Malet, dated 26 March 1881 (Document VI), confirms and elaborates on these events. The autopsy showed that the boy's death was caused by drowning. Peace was restored. Machiavelli had told him, in the name of the governor of Alexandria, that a Greek who had been arrested by the police as a result of a complaint by a Jew (who was a German citizen) had been freed by upper-class Greeks armed with pistols. When he was arrested for a second time, and brought to the Greek consulate, he was freed without even being charged. By request of Machiavelli and Cookson, 201 Jacob M. Landau the Swedish Consul General, who was the doyen of the consular corps in Alexandria, went to the Greek consulate general to demand an explanation. The Greek Consul excused the matter and said that most of the Greek population was sorry about the incident. The arrival of additional troops in Alexandria put an end to the riots. The fifth document (Document VII)/l is a report from Machiavelli to Cairoli dated 28 March 1881. All the members of the consular corps in Alexandria had met with the Egyptian Minister of War who had arrived in the city with the army. The minister announced that he was thinking of issuing an order for dispersing gatherings even if it meant the use of force. On 27 March 1881 the Greek newspaper Telegrapho published an article of incitement aimed at igniting tempers ; it was distributed free.22 According to Machiavelli, quiet had been restored to Alexandria, but the incitement was beginning to spread to the countryside, Damanhur and Kafr al-Zayyat, where a Jew of French nationality had been killed. Machiavelli concluded by saying that he had reported these matters also to de Martino and that he had requested him to demand that the Egyptian government protect the Jews in the villages. In the sixth document (Document VIII),23 dated 31 March 1881, de Martino informed Cairoli of his visit to Alexandria (his seat was in Cairo) and of the promise he had received from the Greek Consul General-in his name and in the name of the Greek patriarchate-that in the near future this type of activity by Greeks against Jews would not recur. But since it was the local authorities who controlled the situation , he could not take upon himself the responsibility for the future conduct of the Greek colony in Egypt. De Martino pointed out with shock that it was the Egyptian intelligentsia and not only the Greek community, who were prejudiced against the Jews and believed that they used Christian blood for baking their matzah. The consular corps accepted the suggestion made by the Greek representative that the Egyptian government should be asked to appoint a special committee to deal with the security situation and devise ways of 202 Ritual Murder Accusations in Nineteenth-Century Egypt punishing offenders. After de Martino's appeal, the committee was appointed. In the fourth group there are two documents (Documents IX and X), both from February 1882. De Boccard, Italian Vice Consul in Port Said, informed Machiavelli on 5 February 1882 of the disappearance of a girl a day earlier. According to him, a Muslim boy of sixteen had come to Port Said from Cairo; he was seen there buying sweets for the seven-yearold girl who disappeared. After a search, she was found dead in a house on the edge of the Arab quarter. A medical examination revealed no signs of rape but scissor wounds were found on her face and her carotid vein had been cut. The youth was arrested at a nearby cafe. In Port Said the rumor spread that the Jews had killed the child in order to use her blood for the baking of matzah. Immediately a mob gathered which rushed to the Arab quarter, but police patrols stopped them, arrested the youth and buried the girl. Even so a stone injured a Jew in the face and some damage was caused to the local synagogue. The Jews appealed to the French Consul who was at that time in a French cruiser in the port. The governor of Port Said asked the consuls to inform their nationals that the Muslim youth would be charged, and to warn them against rioting. Rumors spread that the youth had admitted that he carried out his crime at Jewish requests or that he himself was a Jew who needed Christian blood. In the second document (Document X), dated 6 February 1882, Machiavelli reports his suspicions to Mancini, the new Italian Foreign Minister. He says that there was a danger that the disturbances which had occurred and recurred in Alexandria in 1880 and 1881 would erupt in Port Said with greater ferocity because of the political tension.24 The authorities carried out an investigation and announced that the Muslim youth had confessed his crime;25 only then did tempers cool and the danger pass. There are three documents in the fifth group, all dated June 1890. The first (Document XIL dated 20 June 1890, is a letter of appeal from a Jew named David Ades of Cairo to Sir Evelyn Baring,26 British Consul General in Egypt. Ades protested to 203 Jacob M. Landau Baring about the incitement against the Jews published in the Arabic weekly al-Mahrusa, and its anti-Semitic accusations . He was particularly angry about the recurrent libel that the Jews were using blood for the baking of matzah. The second document (Document XII) is a detailed report, dated 24 June 1890, sent to Baring by Raphael Borg, British Consul in Cairo. Al-Mahrusa, the mouthpiece of Syrian Christians-French citizens-was inciting against Egyptian Jews who had lent money with interest to the Syrians and had later pressed their debt. The paper had blown up an incident in which an Armenian Catholic boy of seven had disappeared in Damascus several weeks earlier27 and charged the Jews with wanting to use his blood for the baking of matzah. The articles in the paper were strewn with imaginary details of the child's torture at the hands of the Jews of Damascus and of the bribe given to the Wali of Damascus so that he would stop investigation of the matter.28 Another newspaper belonging to the same group repeated the accusations in French. Borg estimated that the number of Jews in Cairo was between 7,000 and 8,OOO-and that the entire Jewish population of Egypt numbered about 20,000. The Jews' anger grew at the accusation and they demanded that the detractors apologize. Borg was concerned lest the Greeks29 join the Syrians in their denunciations and that riots would break out and the Muslims too would be dragged into the riots. The Syrians had been informing their children and thus keeping alive their belief that in the famous ritual murder accusation of Damascus in 1840 the Jews were indeed to blame. Borg pointed out the need for the government to warn the newspaper to stop the incitement and compensate the Jews. The third document (Document XlII) is a report from Baring to Salisbury, British Foreign Minister, dated 25 June 1890. Baring encloses originals of Ades's letter and Borg's report and expresses the view that no harm would come to the Jews as long as the British garrison was in Egypt. There are two documents in the sixth group. The first (Document XlV) is a report from Baring to Salisbury dated 19 March 1892. It is based on details received from the Brit204 Ritual Murder Accusations in Nineteenth-Century Egypt ish Consul in Port Said. In that town, riots had broken out on 15 March 1892.30 A Greek girl31 had played in a Jewish home and the door had accidentally closed behind her. Immediately rumors spread that the child had been kidnapped by the Jews for human sacrifice. A Greek mob descended upon the house, found the child alive and well, but nevertheless beat up and frightened an elderly Jew who then died of shock. The police arrested some of the rioters and dispersed the crowd. On that and the following day, Greeks and Arabs gathered again and smashed windows in Jewi.sh homes. The second document (Document XV) is a signed copy of a petition drawn up in French by the Jews of Port Said who were citizens of various countries, and submitted to the ruler of Egypt, cAbbas Bilmi (CAbbas II) on 17 April 1892. The copy was delivered to Baring. The petition describes the same ritual murder accusation and riots mentioned in Document XIV in greater detail. The Greek child's mother did not wait to find out what had happened to her child but had immediately called to passers-by to rescue it. Among the crowd that gathered was also a Greek priest. The Jew who was killed was from the Carmona family.32 He had been beaten and trampled under the feet of the mob, and his body33 was dragged along the main road to the police station where a Greek struck it. The chief of police did not manage to detain the attacker. The old man's son who ran to his father's aid was beaten and wounded by the mob and nearly lost his life. The mob then attacked the Carmona family house, injuring the servant and a number of Jews, and forcing the son to flee for his life. The governor decided not to arrest the man accused of beating the old man in order not to arouse passions. The governor's decision was interpreted as a sign of weakness . Since then families (Jewish, it seems) had left Port Said, leaving their belongings and businesses; they were now without shelter and livelihood. The sixty-six signatories of the petition demanded the interference of cAbbas Bilmi so that they could return to their normal lives. Baring was requested to seek from the authorities assurances that those responsible would be punished and that the Jews would be secure from those plotting against them. 205 Jacob M. Landau The Anti-Jewish Accusations, Their Background and Causes Why did blood libels occur in Egypt in 1870, reach their peak in 1880-82, and then recur in 1890 and 1892? In 1870 PanIslamic propaganda was on the increasej 34 the effects of gross extravagance in earlier years (particularly over the inauguration of the Suez Canal) were being felt by the treasurYj the nationalist movement began to spread with the organization of various secret societies.35 It is likely that the public tension caused by the rise in taxes, on the one hand, and the religious and nationalist awakening, on the other, prepared the ground for the blood libel of 1870. However, it is quite possible that the awakening at that time was only a chance occurrence and that the accusation could just as easily have occurred in another year. The fact that there was no real basis for the accusation caused it to blow over quickly. It is not for no reason that there is nothing on the matter in the sources. This is not the case, however, with respect to the ritual murder accusations which occurred and recurred during the three years 1880-82. Moreover, at that very time similar libels took place not only in Egypt: in 1880 there was one near Izmir and yet another in Costandil, near Salonika.36 However, ritual murder accusations in Egypt were more numerous and more frequent, and this was no mere coincidence . This was a period of great tension in Egypt, in the wake of the dismissal of Egypt's ruler, Isma'il, by the Ottoman sultan (in 1879) and his succession by his weak-willed son Tawfiq. This change and the discontent of some Egyptians (especially in military circles) because of foreign interference in their country were exploited for the organization of a military revolt against Tawfiq. With the growing tension speeches were delivered and articles written attacking all foreigners. The atmosphere was such that all rumors were believed, including ritual murder accusations and other acts of abomination attributed to the Jews. In September 1880 the Jews were accused of attempting the rape of a Christian girl in Alexandria.37 In February-March 1881, even before the ritual murder accusation of that year, there were incidents 206 Ritual Murder Accusations in Nineteenth-Century Egypt and clashes between Jews and Greeks, both the humblest and the wealthiest.38 Around Passover 1882 the Greeks in Cairo accused the Jews of being involved in the murder of a girl/9 and in Upper Egypt rumors were spread that the Jews had killed a Greek boy in order to use his blood.4o Against this background mention should be made of the sporadic robbing of foreigners in Egyptian cities (July 1882), including attacks on Jews and their property.41 Why was it the Greeks who were the major inciters against the Jews and the instigators-with others joining in-not only of all the plots in Egypt, but also in other parts of the Ottoman Empire (except for one incident, on 29 May 1884, in which rumors were spread of the kidnapping of a Muslim boy in Constantinople)? Indeed, as early as 1864, the Greek Archbishop of Izmir-which was largely populated by Greeksfound it necessary to preach tolerance toward the Jews.42 There is, indeed, no simple answer. It seems that the Greek mob exploited the weakness of the Ottoman government. It does not follow that some Greeks started the riots only because they were riffraff thrown out of their own country. The documents cited here indicate that sometimes even members of the most prominent Greek families of Alexandria took part in the riots. The two Greeks, who were members of the international commission of inquiry appointed by the foreign consuls to investigate the accusations against the Jews in the murder of the Furnaraki youth, refused to clear the Jews of all blame, and it is likely that both of them were among the distinguished Egyptian Greeks.43 If not all the Greeks in Egyptian cities were involved in incitement and violence, it is true that a part of the Greek leadership was dragged in by the rioters and, by ignoring their crimes, encouraged them to continue their anti-Semitic activities. This statement is backed up by the attackers of the Baruch family and the murderers of Carmona in Port Said. In both cases, because of lack of action on the part of the Greek representatives , the perpetrators were not punished44 (the local authorities could not try and punish foreign citizens, who were protected by the Capitulations). Lord Cromer's praise of the Greeks' productive activities 207 Jacob M. Landau in Egypt45-which he had observed during his twenty-four years as Consul General there-is probably based on their skill in commerce. However, it is precisely this activity which was likely to cause economic competition between the Greeks and Jews in the cities since they were involved in the same occupations.46 It is likely that precisely for this reason the Greeks wanted the Jews to be their scapegoat for the mob's hatred of foreigners and thus save their own position. This was probably also the cause of the readiness of the Greek press in Alexandria to latch on to every libel against the Jews, even outside Alexandria-such as their incitement at the time of the Port Said ritual murder accusation in 1892.47 The stage was set for it. The Greeks had legal immunity because of their status as foreign citizens; there was a tradition of hatred for the Jews; the Jews kept themselves separate from their neighbors in Egypt, preferring to maintain foreign citizenship, and built many synagogues48 which were thorns in the sides of their enemies. The local Egyptian population's anti-Jewish feeling was marked in the cities, but it spread to the country, toO.49 A new factor entered the arena of ritual murder accusations against Jews-the Syrian Christians whose numbers grew significantly in Egypt after the persecutions against them in their home country in 1860. Their hatred found expression mainly in the press, in which they incited against the Jews in 1890 (some excepted themselves from this incitement , however).5o The reasons for their hatred of the Jews were generally identical with those of the Greeks: they were a foreign minority trying to transfer the animosity of the Muslim majority to the Jewish community, and there was economic competition which seemingly grew because they owed money to Jews. To this was added a tradition which, according to Consul Borg, the Syrians brought with them from Syria. The tools of incitement were also in their hands since in the last thirty years of the nineteenth century the Syrian Christians took over much of the Arabic press in Egypt, which developed greatly thanks to the energy and initiative invested. Moreover, during the British rule in Egypt, 208 Ritual Murder Accusations in Nineteenth-Century Egypt which prevented serious outbreaks of violence against the minorities, the press became a tool for incitement against the Jews, just as it became a mouthpiece for nationalist propaganda against British control of the country. The places where the ritual murder accusations occurred (or at least beganl, according to the documents presented here, are also worthy of special mention: Alexandria in 1870, 1880, 1881; Port Said in 1882; Cairo in 1890; Port Said in 1892. In Cairo the incitement was limited to the Syrian Christian press and directed at the country at large; this did not lead to any concrete acts. Cairo was the main seat of government and attempts to injure the Jews would meet with opposition on the part of the police and army authorities. Consequently , only one incident occurred in Cairo, while three of the others were in Alexandria and two in Port Said. It is not difficult to understand the concentration of these events in Alexandria. This city was the major point of entry for Europeans. Most of the foreigners in Egypt were residing there and the nationalist and Muslim elements saw themselves as most threatened from the point of view of economics and administration as well as religion and ritual. In Alexandria the incitement against the foreigners was concentrated and first came to light in 1870; it developed most in the early 1880s. In addition, the police force in Alexandria was particularly small (even including local army personnell .51 There was a large number of Greek criminals and unemployed people.52 Indeed, it is surprising that there was no ritual murder accusation in Alexandria in 1882, too. After the beginning of the British occupation of Egypt (July 18821, the strong hand of British rule prevented any occurrence in Alexandria just as it did in Cairo.53 The ritual accusations in Port Said in 1882 and 1892 are equally interesting. The first, which occurred soon after those in Alexandria, is another link in the chain of incitements against foreigners which characterized the first years of the 1880s. The rioting of 1892 stands out sharply for its extreme severity and because it was practically the only 209 Jacob M. Landau such incident in Egypt during the British occupation (excluding the incitement in the Cairo press in 1890 and a number of plots which were hatched but foiled before they could be carried out). Its special significance is obvious from the documents cited here, that anti-Jewish feeling began to spread in Egypt at the end of the nineteenth century outside the large cities in which most of the Jewish community lived (Cairo and Alexandria). Besides the ritual murder accusation in Port Said in 1892 and a suspicion that the Jews of Cairo had murdered the Christian servant of a Jewish family, who had disappeared and was found strangled,54 a rumor spread in Damanhur-a large rural center-that the Jews had kidnapped a Muslim child to use his blood,55 a rumor which aroused a great deal of excitement there and quieted down only three days later when the child returned home.56 This is another sign of the spread of anti-Jewish feeling among the Fallahin and others outside Cairo and Alexandria.57 The first census in Egypt which included the Jews took place in 1897 and it is reasonable to assume that its data can largely be applied to 1892. Among the 25,200 Jews in Egypt in 1897/8 there were 8,819 in Cairo59 and 9,831 in Alexandria60_a total of 18,650 for these two cities. After Tanta (883) and Mansura (508) the next largest concentration of Jews was in Port Said with 400.61 In Port Said there were in 1892 some 5,000 Greeks/2 who were potential competitors with the Jews, constituting 16 percent of the population of the town and 55 percent of the European population of 9,000. It is interesting to compare these numbers with the general populations of the three cities in which blood accusations took place: Cairo, 589,573; Alexandria, 315,844; Port Said 42,972.63 One can see from these statistics that the Jews were proportionally almost as prominent in Port Said as in Cairo and Alexandria-400 Jews in a total population of 42,972 is about 1 percent of the population of the city; in Cairo the Jews made up 1.5 percent and in Alexandria approximately 3 percent. If we consider the entire Egyptian population (excluding the British occupation forces) of 9,714,525/4 the number of Jews in Egypt-25,200-averages 0.26 per210 Ritual Murder Accusations in Nineteenth-Century Egypt cent of the entire population. Because of their concentration in Alexandria, Cairo, and Port Said, their ratio in the population in other parts of Egypt was considerably lower. The Jewish Reaction It is difficult to find a definite pattern to Jewish reaction particularly because of the paucity of information. What we know is as follows: In 1870 the Jewish community council in Alexandria presented a petition to the British Consul General in that city. In 1880 a delegation of Jewish dignitaries appealed to the Italian Consul in Alexandria. In 1881 a delegation of Jewish dignitaries from Alexandria, who were British subjects, appealed to the British Consul. In 1882 the Jews of Port Said appealed to a French navy unit asking for its protection. In 1890 two Jews from Cairo appealed to Baring . In 1892, sixty-six Jews from Port Said submitted a petition to

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ISBN
9780299131135
Related ISBN
9780299131142
MARC Record
OCLC
835455593
Launched on MUSE
2012-01-01
Language
English
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No
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