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Notes

Introduction

1. Gertrude Gouverneur Ogden Meredith to William Meredith, June 28, 1798, folder 1, box 51, Meredith Family Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania (hereafter HSP).

2. “The Advantages of Maternal Nurture,” Ladies’ Monthly Museum, 184. See also “The Advantage of Maternal Nurture,” Lady’s Magazine and Musical Repository, 290.

3. Sarah Preston (Everett) Hale to Alexander and Lucretia Everett, September 14, 1822, folder 6, box 9, Hale Family Papers, 1787–1988, Sophia Smith Collection, Smith College (hereafter SSC).

4. D’Emilio and Freedman, Intimate Matters, 58. See also Klepp, Revolutionary Conceptions, esp. chap. 1.

5. For an analysis of women’s many roles in colonial America, see Ulrich, Good Wives. See also Boydston, Home and Work. For an analysis of women’s shifting image from “help-meet” to mother, see Bloch, “Revaluing Motherhood.”

6. See Klepp’s discussion of colonial Americans’ emphasis on fertility in Revolutionary Conceptions, esp. chap. 2. See also Spruill’s analysis of the importance placed on fertility in the southern colonies in Women’s Life and Work, chap. 3.

7. For a history of American fatherhood, see, for instance, S. Frank, Life with Father.

8. For more on this transitional period, see Cott, The Bonds of Womanhood; Degler, At Odds; Kerber, Women of the Republic.

9. Ruth Bloch describes the transitional process toward defining motherhood as a “longer-term, transnational, and essentially cultural rather than political process.” Bloch, “Revaluing Motherhood,” 57.

10. For a discussion of Enlightenment ideas about women’s role in society, see Zagarri, Revolutionary Backlash, esp. 3–4. For an analysis and comparison of the respective roles of the Enlightenment and evangelical Christianity in the rise of the “moral mother,” see Bloch, “Revaluing Motherhood.”

11. As Nancy Schrom Dye and Daniel Blake Smith have argued, in the late eighteenth century and the early nineteenth century, “reliance on God gradually gave way to a more secular belief that a child’s welfare lay primarily in the hands of loving, watchful mothers.” Dye and Smith, “Mother Love and Infant Death,” 330.

12. Kerber, “The Republican Mother.” See also Zagarri, “Morals, Manners, and the Republican Mother”; and Norton, Liberty’s Daughters.

13. For a full explanation of this ideology, see Theriot, Mothers and Daughters, 18. For further analysis of maternal ideology in the nineteenth century, see also Ryan, The Empire of the Mother, esp. chap. 2.

14. Ann M. Taylor, Practical Hints to Young Females, 2–3.

15. Bordo, Unbearable Weight, 3.

16. For an analysis of Plato’s soul/body dichotomy, see Spelman, “Woman as Body.” For more on perceptions of gender and embodiment, see also Shaw, “Performing Breastfeeding”; Schwarz, “Missing the Breast.”

17. Theriot, Mothers and Daughters, 10.

18. A few scholars have considered the significance of continuity, particularly in the lives of women. Jeanne Boydston, for instance, has shown that cultural attitudes toward women’s work in the early republic changed more swiftly and dramatically than did the actual nature of women’s work, which was marked by long-term continuity. More broadly, Judith Bennett has challenged feminist scholars not to fixate on change, but to acknowledge the existence of a “patriarchal equilibrium” that has caused aspects of women’s lives to be defined by continuity. More recently, Katy Simpson Smith has identified the significance of continuity in the history of motherhood. She notes that a focus on change over time results in a tendency to privilege the more dramatic upheavals of political and economic history, areas in which women in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were denied a significant role. The history of everyday lives, however, which is more able to encompass the experience of women, tends to reveal significant continuities. See Boydston, Home and Work; J. Bennett, History Matters; K. Smith, We Have Raised All of You, 6.

19. Leavitt, Brought to Bed, 107.

20. Maria Flagg to Lydia Nightingale, August 17, 1793, Maria Magdalen Flagg Letters, Schlesinger Library (hereafter SL).

21. Boydston, Home and Work, 145.

22. Several historians have explored the role that corporeality played in defining the middle class. Karen Halttunen, for instance, examines the fears of hypocrisy and the quest for authenticity that characterized antebellum America and reveals the ways in which women and men sought to stylize their bodies and shape their expressions so as to convey sincerity. John Kasson’s work on etiquette in nineteenth-century America likewise demonstrates how the restraint of the body, the styling of gestures and expressions, and the meaning attributed to one’s appearance and comportment helped Americans negotiate the urban milieu and identify themselves as part of the genteel middle class. Kathleen Brown’s more recent history of hygiene in early America explores the importance of cleanliness and bodily management in the definition of civilization and the hardening of race- and class-based social divisions. Halttunen, Confidence Men and Painted Women; J. F. Kasson, Rudeness and Civility; Brown, Foul Bodies. For more on the importance of etiquette and bodily restraint, see also Bushman, The Refinement of America, esp. chap. 3.

23. On the question of regionalism, V. Lynn Kennedy has shown in her study of motherhood that southerners were exposed to the same gender ideology and prescriptive literature as readers in the North and articulated the same kinds of values with respect to motherhood, but southerners identified regional differences in the fulfillment of these values. See Kennedy, Born Southern.

24. Generally speaking, the discipline of history has come relatively late to the study of the body. For an analysis of the body as methodology in history, see Canning, “The Body as Method?”

25. See, for example, Carroll Smith-Rosenberg and Charles Rosenberg’s argument that in the nineteenth century medical knowledge about women’s bodies was deployed to reinforce socially constructed norms of femininity. Smith-Rosenberg and Rosenberg, “The Female Animal.”

26. Historians have especially focused on the role of the body in defining race. Jennifer Morgan, for instance, examines European perceptions of African and Native American women’s bodies and how their perceived failure to embody European notions of femininity helped to create and sustain racial ideology. Lars Schroeder applies an explicitly Foucauldian framework to the antebellum South and shows that nineteenth-century white middle-class and elite women and men were ideologically and textually constructed as disembodied, or “no-bodies,” while enslaved women and men were exclusively associated with the body rather than the soul or the intellect. Dorothy Roberts’s history of nineteenth- and twentieth-century efforts to control black women’s reproduction highlights the ways in which black bodies have been historically more visible and more subject to control than white bodies. Morgan, “ ‘Some Could Suckle over Their Shoulder’ ”; Schroeder, Slave to the Body; Roberts, Killing the Black Body.

27. See, for instance, Foucault, Discipline and Punish.

28. Butler, Bodies That Matter, 10.

29. Grosz, Volatile Bodies, vii.

30. C. Henderson, “Introduction: Bordering on the Black Body,” 14.

Chapter One

1. Porter, Greatest Benefit, 55–62, 65, 73–77, 130. For more on Galen, see also Keller, Generating Bodies, 32–33.

2. Keller, Generating Bodies, 9–10. For further analysis of the ways in which women came to be defined as radically different from men based on their reproductive bodies, see H. King, Midwifery, Obstetrics and the Rise of Gynaecology.

3. For more on Raynalde’s text, see Porter, Greatest Benefit, 200; Keller, Generating Bodies, 76–80.

4. For more on Culpeper’s text, see Porter, Greatest Benefit, 210; Keller, Generating Bodies, 85–89.

5. For more on Sharp, see Keller, Generating Bodies, 160–164.

6. Stone, Complete Practice of Midwifery, xiv.

7. For more on this transition in Britain, see Cody, “The Politics of Reproduction”; McGrath, Seeing Her Sex, 32–34; Moscucci, Science of Woman, 42–50; Wilson, The Making of Man-Midwifery; Wilson, “William Hunter.”

8. For more on Smellie’s influential texts, see McGrath, Seeing Her Sex, 64–72.

9. Leavitt, Brought to Bed, 38–39. For more on the transition to male practitioners in America, see also Speert, Obstetrics and Gynecology in America; Wertz and Wertz, Lying-In.

10. For more on Seaman, Bard, and Dewees, see Speert, Obstetrics and Gynecology in America, 126–127.

11. Porter, “A Touch of Danger.”

12. Stone, Complete Practice of Midwifery, x.

13. Nihell, Art of Midwifery, xii, 223. See Clare Hanson’s discussion of Nihell’s text as a response to William Smellie’s advocacy of man-midwifery in A Cultural History of Pregnancy, 16–17.

14. The development of obstetrics and gynecology in the nineteenth century demonstrates how important it is for historians to explore the practice of medicine as an example of what Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham has called technologies of race, discourses and systems meant to create and sustain racial (and, in this case, class) hierarchy. See Higginbotham, “African-American Women’s History,” 252.

15. Sharp, Compleat Midwife’s Companion, 21. Unless otherwise noted, all citations are from the 1725 edition of this book.

16. Wagner, Eros Revived, 295.

17. Keller, Generating Bodies, 76.

18. Raynalde, Birth of Mankind, 40.

19. Ibid., 40.

20. Ibid., 8.

21. Keller, Generating Bodies, 85. For a detailed analysis of Culpeper’s work, see Fissell, Vernacular Bodies, chap. 5.

22. Fissell, Vernacular Bodies, 143–144.

23. Culpeper, Directory for Midwives, 28. Unless otherwise noted, all citations are from the 1651 edition of this book.

24. Ibid., 81.

25. The Compleat Midwifes Practice was first issued in 1656 and went through multiple versions. It borrowed heavily from other texts, such as translations of works by the French midwife Louise Bourgeois. For more on this text, see Fissell, Vernacular Bodies, 183–189. Here I am quoting from a later version published by John Pechey. See The Compleat Midwifes Practice Enlarged, 30, 36–37.

26. Mary Fissell notes that Sharp’s work borrowed heavily from a manual by Peter Chamberlen, which in turn borrowed from The Compleat Midwifes Practice. See Fissell, Vernacular Bodies, 197–199.

27. For an analysis of gender and anatomy in Jane Sharp’s text, see Bricks, “Stones Like Women’s Paps.” See also Hobby, “ ‘Secrets of the Female Sex.’ ”

28. Sharp, Compleat Midwife’s Companion, 32.

29. Ibid., 30.

30. Ibid., 36.

31. Aristotle’s Masterpiece went through three principal versions that were each reprinted numerous times, one originating in 1684, one in 1697, and one in the 1710s. The third iteration became the basis for the first known American edition (Boston, 1766). See Fissell, “Hairy Women and Naked Truths.”

32. Aristotle’s Compleat Masterpiece, 12.

33. Ibid., 17.

34. Ibid., 29.

35. Horowitz, Rereading Sex, 22.

36. Smellie, Theory and Practice of Midwifery, 441.

37. Ibid., 92.

38. Ibid., 103.

39. Ibid., 115.

40. Denman, Practice of Midwifery, 25, 32.

41. A. Hamilton, Treatise of Midwifery, 31.

42. Seaman, Midwives Monitor, 62.

43. Bard, Compendium, 25.

44. Ibid., 39.

45. Burns, Principles of Midwifery, 69–70.

46. Dewees, Compendious System, 46.

47. C. White, Treatise on the Management, 84.

48. Sawday, The Body Emblazoned, ix.

49. For a concise history of dissection, see Porter, Greatest Benefit, 132–133.

50. For more on the challenges of obtaining bodies to anatomize, see Sawday, The Body Emblazoned, chap. 4.

51. For more on Vesalius and his anatomical atlas, see Porter, Greatest Benefit, 178–181.

52. Vesalius, Fabrica, 378.

53. For further discussion of classical ideals of female beauty in medical texts, see Nichols, “The Man-Midwife’s Tale,” esp. chap. 4.

54. Estienne, De dissectione, esp. 275, 276, 287.

55. Rueff, De conceptu, n.p.

56. Sharp, Compleat Midwife’s Companion (1724 ed.), 97. For other examples of the lifelike female figure in anatomy texts, see, for example, Van de Spiegel and Casseri, De formato foetu, tables 1–4. These images can be seen at Historical Anatomies on the Web, https://www.nlm.nih.gov/exhibition/historicalanatomies/spiegel_home.html.

57. Vesalius, Fabrica, 378. Raynalde, Birth of Mankind, 81.

58. Culpeper, Directory for Midwives (1671), n.p. Mauriceau, Traité des maladies, 3, 14.

59. Rueff, De conceptu, n.p.

60. Mauriceau, Traité des maladies, 3, 6, 14, 16, 33, 35.

61. For a discussion of some of the aesthetic and representational choices made by these authors and the artists and engravers involved, see McGrath, Seeing Her Sex, chap. 3.

62. See Smellie, Set of Anatomical Tables. This later edition also includes a fortieth table illustrating obstetrical instruments.

63. See Jenty, Demonstrations of a Pregnant Uterus. For more on van Rymsdyk’s work for Charles Jenty, see McGrath, Seeing Her Sex, 73–76.

64. Hunter, Gravid Uterus, plate iv.

65. J. Hamilton, Collection of Engravings, 10.

66. Sharp, Compleat Midwife’s Companion, 13. Smellie, Theory and Practice of Midwifery, 73–91. Denman, Practice of Midwifery, 1–24. Burton, New System of Midwifery, 3–6.

67. For a summary of Hippocrates’s theory, see Smellie, Theory and Practice of Midwifery, xv.

68. For an outline of these key transitions in ideas about female reproduction, see Fissell, Vernacular Bodies, introduction.

69. For more on the association of “Woman” and “Nature” in the late eighteenth century, see Jordanova, Sexual Visions, esp. chap. 4. For a discussion of Enlightenment ideas of sexual difference, see Cavazza, “Women’s Dialectics”; Moscucci, Science of Woman; Steinbrügge, Moral Sex.

70. Smellie, Theory and Practice of Midwifery, 99.

71. Burton, New System of Midwifery, 11.

72. C. White, Treatise on the Management, 106.

73. Denman, Practice of Midwifery, 39.

74. For more on Matthew Baillie, see Porter, Greatest Benefit, 264. See Bell, Anatomy of the Brain.

75. Burns, Anatomy of the Gravid Uterus, 3.

76. Mears, Pupil of Nature, 10.

77. Bichat, General Anatomy, 35.

78. Dewees, Means of Lessening Pain, 15–16. For more on Dewees, see Dunn, “William Potts Dewees.”

79. Seaman, Midwives Monitor, 78, 87.

80. Bard, Compendium, 180.

81. Ramsbotham, Obstetric Medicine, 89.

82. Dewees, Compendious System, 51.

83. Merriman, Difficult Parturition, 89.

84. Ibid., 90.

85. Meigs, Obstetrics, 191.

86. Ibid., 235.

87. Aitken, Principles of Midwifery, 60.

88. Benjamin Rush, Medical Notes, 1804–1809, HSP.

89. Howard, Treatise on Midwifery, 8.

90. Nichols, “The Man-Midwife’s Tale,” 5.

91. Bedford, Clinical Lectures, 312.

92. For more on the perceived differences of African and Native American women with respect to sexuality and reproduction, see, for example, Morgan, “ ‘Some Could Suckle over Their Shoulder.’ ”

93. Mackenzie, Voyages from Montreal, cxvi.

94. Plane, “Childbirth Practices among Native American Women.”

95. See, for example, the Cherokee myth of Selu, the woman who brought forth corn and beans from her body, thus signifying the fertility and life-giving capacity of the female body; Perdue, Cherokee Women, 13–15.

96. Buchan, Domestic Medicine, 577, 600.

97. C. White, Treatise on the Management, 94.

98. Dewees, Means of Lessening Pain, 9.

99. Dewees, Compendious System, 105.

100. Ibid., 222.

101. For a discussion of ideas about pain in childbirth, see Wertz and Wertz, Lying-In, chap. 4.

102. S. Gregory, Man-Midwifery Exposed, 26. For more on Gregory’s concerns about the use of man-midwives, see also S. Gregory, Letters to Ladies.

103. Schwartz, Birthing a Slave; Cooper Owens, “ ‘Courageous Negro Servitors’ and Laboring Irish Bodies.” See also Bankole, Slavery and Medicine; Fisher, “Physicians and Slavery in the Antebellum Southern Medical Journal”; Savitt, Medicine and Slavery; Schroeder, Slave to the Body; Stowe, Doctoring the South.

104. Sims, Story of My Life, 236.

105. For more on Sims and the development of gynecological surgery, see Barker-Benfield, The Horrors of the Half-Known Life; McGregor, Sexual Surgery. For an analysis of the politics of race in Sims’s work and in the development of gynecology, see Kapsalis, “Mastering the Female Pelvis.”

106. Sims, Story of My Life, 233.

107. See, for example, William Smellie, whose treatise contained an entire section on the practice of “touching.” Smellie, Theory and Practice of Midwifery, 184–189.

108. Sims, Story of My Life, 234.

109. Nihell, Art of Midwifery, 85.

110. Stevens, Man-Midwifery Exposed, 5.

111. Ewell, Letters to Ladies, 24.

112. G. Gregory, Medical Morals, 29–30.

113. Beach, Improved System of Midwifery, 13–14.

114. Quoted in Stowe, “Obstetrics and the Work of Doctoring,” 325.

115. Raynalde, Birth of Mankind, 97.

116. Ibid.

117. Sharp, Compleat Midwife’s Companion, 115.

118. Smellie, Theory and Practice of Midwifery, 119–120.

119. Ibid., 120.

120. A. Hamilton, Treatise of Midwifery, 165.

121. Aitken, Principles of Midwifery, 58.

122. C. White, Treatise on the Management, 94.

123. Denman, Practice of Midwifery, 161.

124. Dewees, Compendious System, 187–188.

125. Ibid., 190.

126. Warrington, Obstetric Catechism, 113–114.

127. Seaman, Midwives Monitor, 85.

128. Ulrich, “Women’s Travail, Men’s Labor,” 176.

129. Burns, Principles of Midwifery, 372.

130. Seaman, Midwives Monitor, 92.

131. Dewees, Means of Lessening Pain, 54.

132. Dewees, Compendious System, 260.

133. Walter Channing, September 13, 1821, Midwifery Case Notebook, 1811–1822, folder 1, box 7, Walter Channing Papers, 1800–1872, permission of Massachusetts Historical Society (hereafter MHS).

Chapter Two

1. February 26, 1797, in Drinker, The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, 2:893.

2. February 27, 1800, ibid., 1279.

3. October 23, 1799, ibid., 1227.

4. Theriot, Mothers and Daughters, chap. 4.

5. March 25, 1790, vol. 18, p. 22, Sarah Logan Fisher Diaries, HSP.

6. Penelope Skinner Warren to Dr. Thomas Warren, August 8, 1840, folder 22, box 1, Skinner Family Papers, Southern Historical Collection (hereafter SHC).

7. Klepp, Revolutionary Conceptions, 5.

8. For birthrate statistics, see D’Emilio and Freedman, Intimate Matters, 58. Klepp shows that birthrates among white Americans differed somewhat by region. Birthrates declined most rapidly in New England, followed by the Mid-Atlantic, the South, and finally the frontier. She also notes that the poor tended to marry later and have smaller families. See Klepp, Revolutionary Conceptions, 15.

9. Klepp, Revolutionary Conceptions, 7.

10. Klepp uses the diaries of Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker to demonstrate a shift to numeracy in the late 1770s. Ibid., 115–117.

11. [Date unmarked], 1779, vol. 8, Sarah Logan Fisher Diaries, HSP.

12. January 1, 1782, in Drinker, The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, 1:395.

13. Sarah Preston (Everett) Hale Common-Place Book, September 5, 1841, folder 3, box 9, Hale Family Papers, 1787–1988, SSC.

14. April 6, 1843, June 6, 1848, May 6, 1868, folder 1, box 1, Elizabeth Frances Perry Diary, SHC.

15. February 28–March 2, 1839, Kemble, Journal of a Residence, 229–230. It should be noted that such high fertility rates were not necessarily universal among enslaved women. Richard Follett’s analysis of birthrates on Louisiana sugar plantations, for instance, demonstrates that different cycles of labor over the course of a year, as well as other factors such as nutrition, climate, and disease, could have a significant impact on enslaved women’s ability to conceive and/or carry a child to term. See Follett, “Heat, Sex, and Sugar.”

16. For a discussion of the techniques that slave owners used to increase and enforce childbearing, see Schwartz, Birthing a Slave, esp. chaps. 1 and 3.

17. Rogers, North Carolina Narratives, vol. 11, part 2, 229.

18. Howell, Arkansas Narratives, vol. 2, part 3, 339–340.

19. For an analysis of slave breeding as a controversial concept in American historical writings, see Smithers, Slave Breeding.

20. Keckley, Behind the Scenes, 39.

21. I. Hutchinson, Arkansas Narratives, vol. 2, part 3, 374.

22. Slave owners often noted gynecological problems, such as “falling of the womb” (uterine prolapse). See, for example, Slave Records 1844–1864 and Slave Records 1844–1865, Glover Family Papers, South Caroliniana Library (hereafter SCL).

23. Letter to Mary Cranch, January 5, 1790, in Adams, New Letters of Abigail Adams, 36.

24. Letter to Charles Stier, February 24, 1813, in Calvert, Mistress of Riversdale, 255.

25. This was a common phrase used to evoke the suffering of childbirth. See, for example, September 1777, vol. 3, Sarah Logan Fisher Diaries, HSP; Mary Hubbard to Sally Townsend, September 11, 1799, Townsend Family Papers, 1676–1877, permission of MHS.

26. November 11, 1852, and January 22, 1860, in Neblett, A Rebel Wife in Texas, 62, 75.

27. January 1839, in Kemble, Journal of a Residence, 67.

28. Letter to Mary Cranch, June 27, 1790, in Adams, New Letters of Abigail Adams, 52.

29. June 15, 1797, in Drinker, The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, 2:929–930.

30. Mary Hubbard to Sarah Townsend, September 11, 1799, box 1, Townsend Family Papers, permission of MHS.

31. Laura Randall to Louisa Elizabeth Cabell Carrington, May 23, 1831, Laura Henrietta Wirt Randall Papers, 1819–1857, Virginia Historical Society (hereafter VHS).

32. Mary Jackson Lee to Mary Cabot Lee Higginson, October 2, 1833, folder 7, box 1, Higginson-Lee Family Correspondence, 1825–1840, American Antiquarian Society (hereafter AAS).

33. Catherine M. Scholten notes the widespread understanding in colonial America that savin could serve as an abortifacient. See Scholten, Childbearing in American Society, 14. For slave owners’ suspicion of women who used plants such as cotton root, see Fett, Working Cures, 65. For more on enslaved women’s use of abortifacients, see Perrin, “Resisting Reproduction.”

34. Perrin, “Resisting Reproduction,” 262–263.

35. See Helen Lefkowitz Horowitz’s discussion of the rise of reform physiology and newly invigorated debates about sexuality and family limitation in the 1830s. Lefkowitz, Rereading Sex.

36. See, for example, Jan Lewis and Kenneth A. Lockridge’s analysis of efforts on the part of elite women in Virginia to limit their fertility. In calculating the intervals between children, they identify breastfeeding as a successful method that most likely allowed women to exert some control over their childbearing. J. Lewis and Lockridge, “ ‘Sally Has Been Sick,’ ”10.

37. October 23, 1799, in Drinker, The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, 2:1227.

38. October 10, 1843, in Dall, Daughter of Boston, 76.

39. Margaret Izard Manigault to Elizabeth Manigault Morris, December 16, 1809, Louis Manigault Papers, Duke University (hereafter DU).

40. Womble, Georgia Narratives, vol. 4, part 4, 183.

41. Letter to Isabelle van Havre, July 15, 1811, in Calvert, Mistress of Riversdale, 240.

42. Daniel Scott Smith suggests that withdrawal or coitus interruptus was one of the most common contraceptive measures in nineteenth-century America. See D. S. Smith, “Family Limitation,” 44, 50.

43. Kammen, “The Letters of Calista Hall,” 232.

44. January 19, 1847, in Dall, Daughter of Boston, 90.

45. K. Smith, We Have Raised All of You, 2.

46. For more on childbearing, motherhood, and family life among enslaved mothers, see, for example, Fett, Working Cures; Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow; Schwartz, Birthing a Slave; Stevenson, Life in Black and White; and D. White, Ar’n’t I a Woman?

47. Howell, Arkansas Narratives, vol. 2, pt. 3, 340.

48. Schwartz, Birthing a Slave, 11.

49. John Campbell calculated a 35 percent infant mortality rate for a large plantation in South Carolina between the 1830s and 1861. See Campbell, “Work, Pregnancy, and Infant Mortality among Southern Slaves,” 795. Jacqueline Jones estimates that overall infant mortality for slaves was roughly twice that of whites in 1850. See Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow, 35.

50. Grayson, Oklahoma Narratives, 13:115–116.

51. Quoted in Perrin, “Resisting Reproduction,” 262.

52. Letter to Isabelle van Havre, January 11, 1819, in Calvert, Mistress of Riversdale, 341.

53. December 10, 1844, in Dall, Daughter of Boston, 83.

54. December 13, 1805, in Drinker, The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, 3:1885.

55. Esther Bowes Cox to Mary Cox Chesnut, June 11, 1797, folder 3, box 1, Cox-Chesnut Family Papers, 1792–1858, SCL.

56. Letter to Elizabeth Gibson, August 3, 1826, in E. Lewis, George Washington’s Beautiful Nelly, 182.

57. Margaret Gregg to Susan [?], May 2, 1857, vol. 1 (typescript), Cox Family Papers, SCL.

58. Mary Jackson Lee to Mary Cabot Lee Higginson, June 30, 1833, folder 6, box 1, Higginson-Lee Family Correspondence, 1825–1840, AAS.

59. Elite Virginian Eleanor Lewis used the word “pregnant” in one letter, but she generally referred to approaching motherhood rather than to pregnancy as such. See letter to Elizabeth Bordley Gibson, April 13, 1828, in E. Lewis, George Washington’s Beautiful Nelly, 193. See also the diary of Martha Heywood, a Mormon transplant to Utah, who consistently used the words “pregnant” and “pregnancy” during her childbearing years in the 1850s. Heywood, Not by Bread Alone, 59, 62, 86.

60. Letter to Mary Chesnut, September 4, 1797, folder 3, box 1, Cox-Chesnut Family Papers, 1792–1858, SCL; Ann Warder Diary, September 24, 1786, vol. 5, Ann Head Warder Papers, HSP; Matilda Henry to Sarah French, July 27, 1837, Sarah Scarborough Butler Henry French Papers, 1824–1914, VHS. For a discussion of an earlier colonial vocabulary for pregnancy, see Klepp, Revolutionary Conceptions, 3. See also Klepp, “Revolutionary Bodies.”

61. For commonly used vocabulary, see, for example, May 24, 1797, in Drinker, The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, 2:921; January 1, 1781, vol. 10, p. 25, and July 24, 1786, vol. 15, p. 49, Sarah Logan Fisher Diaries, HSP; Madaline Selima Edwards Diary, May 8, 1844, folder 16, Charles William Bradbury Papers, SHC; Matilda Henry to Sarah French, July 27, 1837, Sarah Scarborough Butler Henry French Papers, 1824–1914, VHS; July [?] 1848, p. 32, Juliana Paisley Gilmer Diary, 1840–1850, DU.

62. Ebenezer Pettigrew to Nancy (Ann) Pettigrew, March 6, 1818, folder 19, box 1, and January 5, 1830, folder 34, box 2, Pettigrew Family Papers, 1776–1926, SHC.

63. January 20, 1781, and January 25, 1781, vol. 10, p. 31, Sarah Logan Fisher Diaries, HSP.

64. Esther Bowes Cox to Mary Cox Chesnut, May 31, 1805, folder 11, box 1, Cox-Chesnut Family Papers, 1792–1858, SCL.

65. Letter to Marie-Louise Stier, May 12, 1804, in Calvert, Mistress of Riversdale, 82.

66. Letter to Isabelle van Havre, April 20, 1806, in ibid., 141–142.

67. May 23, 1787, vol. 16, p. 50, Sarah Logan Fisher Diaries, HSP.

68. August 9, 1787, vol. 16, p. 70, Sarah Logan Fisher Diaries, HSP.

69. Matilda Henry to Sarah French, July 27, 1837, Sarah Scarborough Butler Henry French Papers, 1824–1914, VHS.

70. August 12, 1781, vol. 10, p. 64, Sarah Logan Fisher Diaries, HSP.

71. September 21, 1783, vol. 12, p. 71, Sarah Logan Fisher Diaries, HSP.

72. Translation: “mine is a dog of an occupation.”

73. Ellen Coolidge to Martha Jefferson Randolph, June 6, 1830, box 2, Correspondence of Ellen Wayles Randolph Coolidge, University of Virginia (hereafter UVA).

74. Eliza Robertson, July 5, 1855, p. 101, folder 2 (typescript), Eliza Ann Marsh Robertson Papers, 1843–1872, SHC.

75. Scholten, Childbearing in American Society, 16.

76. For more on the emergence of a culture of restraint and refinement in Revolutionary-era America, see Klepp, “Revolutionary Bodies.”

77. January 15, 1807, in Drinker, The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, 3:2002.

78. Caroline Gilman to Harriet Fay, December 17, 1827, folder 11/154/1, Caroline Howard Gilman Papers, 1810–1880, South Carolina Historical Society (hereafter SCHS).

79. Penelope Skinner Warren to Dr. Thomas Warren, August 16, 1840, box 1, folder 22, Skinner Family Papers, SHC.

80. Letter to Anna Rose Holder, June 8, 1857, Fox, A Northern Woman in the Plantation South, 53.

81. Esther Bowes Cox to Mary Cox Chesnut, October 10, 1809, folder 17, box 2, Cox-Chesnut Family Papers, 1792–1858, SCL.

82. Matilda Henry to Sarah French, July 27, 1837, Sarah Scarborough Butler Henry French Papers, 1824–1914, VHS.

83. See, for example, June 15, 1855, p. 96, folder 2 (typescript), Eliza Ann Marsh Robertson Papers, 1843–1872, SHC.

84. August 16, 1845, in Dall, Daughter of Boston, 84.

85. Wertz and Wertz, Lying-In, 44. See also Bogdan, “Care or Cure?,” 92–99; and Leavitt, Brought to Bed, esp. chaps. 2 and 3.

86. Leavitt, Brought to Bed, 12.

87. See Leavitt’s discussion of poor women being delivered by physicians in hospitals or charity institutions. Ibid., 74–77. Physicians’ records also show that they occasionally treated poor women in their homes. See, for example, the obstetric records of the New Jersey physician Samuel Worcester Butler, in Samuel Worcester Butler Record Book, 1849–1858, HSP.

88. Most enslaved women were tended by midwives, but physicians might be called in for a complicated delivery. Marie Jenkins Schwartz argues that it became more common over the course of the antebellum period for slave owners to call in physicians. See Schwartz, Birthing a Slave, chap. 5.

89. Agnes Gamble Cabell to Louisa Cabell Carrington, November 2, 1825, Cabell-Carrington Papers, UVA.

90. Ellen Coolidge to Mrs. Nicholas Trist, May 9, 1826, box 2, Correspondence of Ellen Wayles Randolph Coolidge, UVA.

91. Letter to Isabelle van Havre, April 2, 1807, in Calvert, Mistress of Riversdale, 162.

92. Matilda Henry to Sarah French, March 24, 1835, Sarah Scarborough Butler Henry French Papers, 1824–1914, VHS.

93. See, for example, the diary of Mary Holyoke, who kept a record of friends and kinswomen who were “brought to bed.” See Dow, The Holyoke Diaries.

94. October 16, 1812, vol. 1, case vol. 41–47, Mehitable Sullivan Cutler Amory Diaries, permission of MHS.

95. See, for example, a letter to Mary Cranch, November 24, 1788, in Adams, New Letters of Abigail Adams, 3; February 2, 1794, Elizabeth Cranch Norton Diaries (1781–1811), permission of MHS; letter to Elizabeth Gibson, February 7, 1796, in E. Lewis, George Washington’s Beautiful Nelly, 24; Friday, June 28, 1850, box 131, Diary of Lucy Cocke, Papers of John Hartwell Cocke / Papers of the Cocke Family, UVA.

96. Letter to Mary Cranch, November 24, 1788, in Adams, New Letters of Abigail Adams, 3. Mary Hering to Mary Hering Middleton, September [?], 1800, folder/box 24/63/01, Hering Family Papers, 1674–1960, SCHS; Sarah Lindley Fisher to Elizabeth Rodman, February 9, 1839, folder 2, box 11, series 6, Logan-Fisher-Fox Family Papers, HSP; July 6, 1856, Persis Sibley Andrews Black diaries, 1842–1864, permission of MHS. For further examples, see also S. Dulles to Joseph Dulles, April 10, 1829, folder/box 12/58/14, Ann Heatly Reid Lovell, Estate and Family Papers, 1780–1854, SCHS; Thomas Kennedy to Nancy Kennedy, March 12, 1833, folder 5, box 1, Kennedy, Moore, and Southgate Family Papers, SHC.

97. September 1779, vol. 8, p. 74, Sarah Logan Fisher Diaries, HSP.

98. October 9, 1824, Diary of Martha Tabb Watkins Dyer, UVA.

99. Translation: “I must tell you that our cousin Catharine Codman gave birth last Saturday at four in the morning to a little girl. She suffered but little: she was only sick for four hours, and the baby came into the world without anyone in the family except her nurse Mrs. Stevens knowing what was happening. She is doing very well: the little miss is very small, but is doing marvelously.” Georgina Margaret Amory Lowell to Anna C. Lowell, August 15, 1826, folder 2.3, box 2, John Lowell Papers, 1808–1851, permission of MHS.

100. Rachel Lazarus to Maria Edgeworth, November 3, 1828, in MacDonald, The Education of the Heart, 176.

101. Mary Rodman Fisher Fox Diary, April 23, 1850, vol. 19, p. 53, series 9, Logan-Fisher-Fox Family Papers, HSP.

102. For additional examples, see, for instance, October 13, 1851, Penelope Eliza Howard Alderman Diary, 1851–1856, SHC; March 26, 1756, in Burr, The Journal of Esther Edwards Burr, 188–189; Ann Cameron to Paul Cameron, March 8, 1834, folder 727, box 34, Cameron Family Papers, 1757–1978, SHC; Sarah Lindley Fisher to Elizabeth Rodman, February 9, 1839, folder 2, box 11, series 6, Logan-Fisher-Fox Family Papers, HSP; Sarah Evelina Ker, January 17, 1841, folder 73, box 7, Ker Family Papers, 1776–1996, SHC; Georgina Margaret Amory Lowell to Ann Tracy, September 9, 1827, folder 2.7, box 2, John Lowell Papers, 1808–1851, permission of MHS; February 2, 1794, Elizabeth Cranch Norton Diaries (1781–1811), permission of MHS.

103. J. Lewis and Lockridge, “ ‘Sally Has Been Sick,’ ” 6–8.

104. Mary Richardson Walker, December 7, 1838, in Drury, First White Women over the Rockies, 2:136.

105. Ibid.

106. Translation: “The child is very big, and the mother very little, it was her opinion that the child is dead.”

107. Translation: “and with his instruments and much difficulty, he delivered her of a dead child.”

108. Translation: “I was not in the chamber at the critical moment.”

109. September 17, 1794, in Drinker, The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, 1:594–595.

110. October 23, 1799, ibid., 2:1227.

111. June 15, 1797, ibid., 930.

112. June 16, 1797, ibid.

113. April 21, 1848, in Dall, Daughter of Boston, 102.

114. October 16, 1849, ibid., 119–120.

115. Jacobs, Incidents, 53.

116. Ibid., 15–16.

117. Heaton, The World of Hannah Heaton, 74.

118. September 1777, vol. 3, Sarah Logan Fisher Diaries, HSP.

119. Jane Williams to Eliza Haywood, January 30, 1804, folder 41, box 4, series 1, Ernest Haywood Collection, SHC.

120. November 2, 1805, James Anderson Casebook, 1804–1806, HSP.

121. Ellen Coolidge to Mrs. Nicholas Trist, May 9, 1826, box 2, Correspondence of Ellen Wayles Randolph Coolidge, UVA.

122. Sidney Carr to Jane Randolph, quoted in J. Lewis and Lockridge, “ ‘Sally Has Been Sick,’ ” 7.

123. April 4, 1853, in Neblett, A Rebel Wife in Texas, 67.

124. Matilda Henry to Sarah French, August 23, 1837, Sarah Scarborough Butler Henry French Papers, 1824–1914, VHS.

125. Mary Scott to Hannah Fox, January 6, 1826, vol. 1, series 1, Fox Family Papers, HSP.

126. Mary Middleton to Eliza Fisher, May 31, 1840, in Harrison, Best Companions, 140.

127. For more on the discovery and use of anesthesia, see Caton, What a Blessing She Had Chloroform; Pernick, A Calculus of Suffering; Wolf, Deliver Me from Pain.

128. Letter to Anne Longfellow Pierce, [date unknown],1847, Longfellow, Mrs. Longfellow, 129–130.

129. Case 28, June 28, 1857, Samuel Worcester Butler Record Book, 1849–1858, HSP.

130. Theriot, Mothers and Daughters, chap. 4.

131. Elizabeth Byles Ball to Anna Potts, July 18, 1760, Letterbook, 1757–1783, Ball Family Papers, HSP.

132. Rebecca Shoemaker, July 31, 1785, p. 366, Rebecca Shoemaker Papers, 1780–1786, HSP.

133. July 29, 1785, in Sansom, The Diary of Hannah Callender Sansom, 300.

134. Letter to Elizabeth Gibson, March 19, 1826, in E. Lewis, George Washington’s Beautiful Nelly, 175.

135. Letter to Elizabeth Gibson April 5, 1825, ibid., 165.

136. Maria Flagg to Lydia Nightingale, August 17, 1793, Maria Magdalen Flagg Letters, SL.

137. See, for example, Susan Klepp’s analysis of women’s portraits in the eighteenth century, showing a transition from a visual emphasis on women’s fertility to images that highlighted their moral and intellectual capacity. Klepp, Revolutionary Conceptions, chap. 4.

Chapter Three

1. Ruth Perry notes that this prescriptive literature, as well as fiction and other print sources, contributed to the “invention of motherhood” in the eighteenth century—a new vision that celebrated the devotion of mothers and saw their moral influence as essential to the nation. Perry, “Colonizing the Breast,” 206.

2. Mary Hunt Palmer Tyler, for instance, is generally credited with publishing the first medical advice manual by a woman in the United States. See Tyler, The Maternal Physician. For other popular texts by women, see, for example, Child, The Mother’s Book; and Sigourney, Letters to Mothers.

3. For a discussion of the breast as a sacred symbol in the West from pre-Christian goddesses forward, see Yalom, History of the Breast, esp. chap. 1.

4. William Buchan, Advice to Mothers, 3.

5. For a useful summary of the growing emphasis on domestic ideology and motherhood in the Enlightenment, see Pollak, “Introduction,” esp. 9–12.

6. See, for example, Kathleen Brown’s discussion of female sensibility and the emphasis on female emotion as an essential part of good mothering. Brown, “The Life Cycle,” esp. 37–39.

7. On the relationship among sentiment, sensibility, and moral virtue in the politics and culture of the Enlightenment, see, for example, Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility; Burnstein, Sentimental Democracy; Csengei, Sympathy, Sensibility and the Literature of Feeling; Goring, The Rhetoric of Sensibility; Himmelfarb, The Roads to Modernity; Knott, Sensibility and the American Revolution; Reddy, The Navigation of Feeling.

8. See, for example, Bloch’s discussion of Pamela in her Feminist Studies article, “American Feminine Ideals in Transition,” 108–109. For a discussion of the tension between maternal virtue and patriarchal authority in the novel, see Bowers, “ ‘A Point of Conscience.’ ” For a discussion of the convergence of female virtue, motherhood, and sexuality in Pamela, see Peters, “The Pregnant Pamela”; and Perry, “Colonizing the Breast,” esp. 225–230. For a discussion of the tensions surrounding the female body in Pamela, see Gwilliam, “Pamela and the Duplicitous Body of Femininity.”

9. Henry May asserts that Rousseau was widely read in America in the 1780s and 1790s and that his work Emile was particularly influential on new ideas of motherhood. See May, The Enlightenment in America. For more on Rousseau’s vision of women’s role in society, see, for example, Fermon, “Domesticating Women, Civilizing Men”; Weiss, “Sex, Freedom and Equality”; Wexler, “ ‘Made for Man’s Delight.’ ”

10. Rousseau, Emile, 13.

11. Cox, Claims of the Country, 2:6.

12. For an analysis of gendered understandings of virtue, see Bloch, “Gendered Meanings of Virtue.”

13. For a discussion of the concept of female influence in the context of religious revivalism, see Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class, 73–74.

14. Bloch, “Revaluing Motherhood,” 118–120.

15. Abbott, The Mother at Home, 167.

16. Cadogan, Essay upon Nursing, 3.

17. Moss, Essay on the Management and Nursing of Children, 65.

18. Cadogan, Essay upon Nursing, 7, 13.

19. Ibid., 28.

20. Ibid., 17.

21. H. Smith, Letters to Married Women, 66, 72, 73. This text was printed in numerous editions into the nineteenth century, including under the alternate title The Female Monitor.

22. A. Hamilton, A Treatise of Midwifery, 381.

23. Rousseau, Emile, 11.

24. H. Smith, Letters to Married Women, 59, 62, 65.

25. The Nurse’s Guide, 23.

26. Ibid., 21.

27. Ibid., 23.

28. A. Hamilton, A Treatise of Midwifery, 381.

29. Hume, An Exhortation, 116.

30. Rates of wet nursing are difficult to measure, but the practice of hiring a wet nurse appears to have been less common among American elites than among British ones, although Janet Golden has shown that, at least early in the eighteenth century, it was relatively common for elite Bostonians to send their children to the surrounding countryside to be nursed. In addition, slaveholding Americans had the option of employing enslaved women as wet nurses, though the extent to which this occurred is difficult to measure with accuracy. Golden shows that women either chose not to breastfeed or were prevented from breastfeeding for a number of reasons, including disease, breast infections, fatigue, and death. For a history of infant feeding practices in America, see Golden, A Social History of Wet Nursing, esp. chap. 1. See also Fildes, “The English Wet-Nurse”; and Fildes, Wet Nursing.

31. H. Smith, Letters to Married Women, 66.

32. The London Practice of Midwifery, 257.

33. Cadogan, Essay upon Nursing, 7.

34. Hume, An Exhortation, 116.

35. Rousseau, Emile, 13.

36. The Nurse’s Guide, 24–25.

37. Ibid., 25.

38. Cadogan, Essay upon Nursing, 27.

39. H. Smith, Letters to Married Women, 73–74.

40. Mears, Pupil of Nature, 139.

41. Buchan, Advice to Mothers, 30. Watkins, Maternal Solicitude, 8.

42. Dawbarn, The Rights of Infants, iv.

43. Barwell, Advice to Mothers, 25.

44. Tyler, The Maternal Physician, 8.

45. Searle, Season of Maternal Solicitude, 202–203.

46. Alcott, The Young Mother, 115.

47. Dewees, Physical and Medical Treatment of Children, 49.

48. Butler, The American Lady, 243.

49. Dewees, Physical and Medical Treatment of Children, 48.

50. Watkins, Maternal Solicitude, 9.

51. Buchan, Advice to Mothers, 61.

52. Ewell, Letters to Ladies, 219.

53. Sigourney, Letters to Mothers, 29.

54. Abbott, The Mother at Home, 161.

55. Bakewell, The Mother’s Practical Guide, 31.

56. Buchan, Advice to Mothers, 64.

57. Dewees, Physical and Medical Treatment of Children, 40.

58. Dawbarn, The Rights of Infants, 11.

59. Mrs. S. Smith, “Anxious Mothers,” 265–266.

60. Bull, Hints to Mothers, 193.

61. Allen, The Young Mother, 62.

62. Dewees, Physical and Medical Treatment of Children, xiii.

63. Beecher, A Treatise on Domestic Economy, 19.

64. Buchan, Advice to Mothers, 32.

65. Sigourney, “The Mother’s Sacrifice,” 222.

66. Sigourney, Letters to Mothers, vii.

67. Cadogan, Essay upon Nursing, 18.

68. See especially Perry, “Colonizing the Breast”; Treckel, “Breastfeeding and Maternal Sexuality”; Yalom, History of the Breast.

69. Perry, “Colonizing the Breast,” 209.

70. Treckel, “Breastfeeding and Maternal Sexuality,” 31.

71. Few scholars have noted this strain of eroticism in prescriptive literature. Ruth Perry briefly notes the “erotic symbiosis between infant and mother” in texts such as William Buchan’s Advice to Mothers. But she sees this as further evidence of the “mutually exclusive nature of motherhood and sexual desire.” In contrast, I emphasize the ways in which depictions of breastfeeding explored the mutual pleasures of infant, mother, and father and the ways in which these discussions played into notions of romantic love, thus uniting motherhood and sexuality. See Perry, “Colonizing the Breast,” 228. In addition, Barbara Charlesworth Gelpi briefly mentions the eroticization of breastfeeding in her work on Percy Bysshe Shelley. See Gelpi, “The Nursery Cave,” 51–52. Ellen Pollak offers a similarly brief reference in her introduction to women in the Enlightenment. See Pollak, “Introduction,” 10.

72. Karen Harvey offers a helpful synthesis of scholarship on women’s sexuality and the body. See Harvey, “Sexuality and the Body,” 78–99.

73. Cott, “Passionlessness,” 221. Thomas Laqueur has also built on the notion of passionlessness, exploring the ways in which ideas about sexual anatomy and sexual pleasure functioned to delineate the difference between women and men, particularly beginning in the eighteenth century. See Laqueur, Making Sex, esp. chap. 5. More recently, April Haynes has explored the history of sexual reform and fears of masturbation to suggest that both women and men were in fact keenly aware of women’s capacity for sexual passion and were openly addressing it in lectures and texts. See Haynes, Riotous Flesh.

74. See, for example Godbeer, Sexual Revolution; and Lyons, Sex among the Rabble.

75. Foucault, The History of Sexuality: Volume 1: An Introduction, 37.

76. D’Emilio and Freedman, Intimate Matters, 56.

77. Lystra, Searching the Heart, 59.

78. Schwarz, “Missing the Breast,” 155.

79. Harvey, Reading Sex in the Eighteenth Century, 20.

80. Stretzer, A New Description of Merryland, 37–38.

81. Quoted in Yalom, History of the Breast, 71.

82. Recent scholarship in disciplines including sociology, anthropology, and medicine has identified a physiological correlation between sexual arousal and the physical stimulation of breastfeeding. In Bearing Meaning: The Language of Birth, Robbie Pfeufer Kahn explains that the hormone oxytocin stimulates labor, is released by nursing, and “also triggers orgasm, which results in rhythmic contractions of the uterus for as long as twenty minutes after lovemaking and during breastfeeding,” (233–234).

83. Burton, New System of Midwifery, 10–11.

84. Mears, Pupil of Nature, 140.

85. See Buchan, Advice to Mothers, 31.

86. Ibid., 31, 61.

87. For the second reference to “thrilling sensations,” see Buchan, ibid., 61.

88. For more on the connection between nerves and emotions in Enlightenment thought, see Burnstein, Sentimental Democracy, esp. chap. 1.

89. Dewees, Physical and Medical Treatment of Children, 50–51.

90. Hollick, The Matron’s Manual of Midwifery, 79.

91. Darwin, The Botanic Garden, 90.

92. Freud, On Sexuality, 98.

93. “Woman,” Ladies’ Literary Cabinet, 5. The introduction to the excerpt reads: “The following idea of the formation of Woman, is extracted from a Treatise, entitled Philosophia de l’Univers, written by Dupont De Nemours.—Perhaps a more eloquent and delightful description never came from the pen of man.”

94. H. Smith, Letters to Married Women, 78.

95. Ibid., 78–79.

96. Richardson, Pamela, 4:13.

97. Fowler, Maternity, 128.

98. Dawbarn, The Rights of Infants, 11.

99. Fowler, Love and Parentage, 58.

100. H. Smith, Letters to Married Women, 72–73.

101. Buchan, Advice to Mothers, 61.

102. Carroll Smith-Rosenberg has aptly noted that “sexual repression has most fascinated scholars of the 19th century.” See Smith-Rosenberg, “Sex as Symbol in Victorian Purity.” While Smith-Rosenberg’s work (see, for example, “The Female World of Love and Ritual”) as well as more recent work by scholars such as Karen Lystra has expanded to consider other attitudes toward sex, the concept of sexual repression still looms large in our understanding of the nineteenth century.

103. Lystra, Searching the Heart, 59, 77.

104. Buchan, Advice to Mothers, 61.

105. Ostriker, The Mother/Child Papers, 18.

106. Rich, Of Woman Born, 36.

107. See Yalom, History of the Breast, 254–255. Cindy Stearns also discusses the tension in today’s society between the maternal and the sexual breast and cites the case of Karen Carter, who similarly lost custody of her child for more than a year for voicing her concerns about feelings of sexual arousal when breastfeeding. See Stearns, “Breastfeeding and the Good Maternal Body,” 309.

108. Sigourney, Letters, 46.

109. Robins, “On a Mother and Her Infant,” 107.

Chapter Four

1. Mary Peabody to Maria Chase, August 19, 1831, folder 45, box 1, Peabody Family Papers, 1820–1853, SSC.

2. See, for instance, Fildes, Breasts, Bottles and Babies; Fildes, Wet Nursing; Golden, A Social History of Wet Nursing; Hoffert, Private Matters; Salmon, “The Cultural Significance of Breastfeeding”; Treckel, “Breastfeeding and Maternal Sexuality”; Wolf, Don’t Kill Your Baby. One exception to the focus on practice and ideology is Sally McMillen’s work on motherhood in the antebellum South, which includes an analysis of elite women’s attitudes toward breastfeeding. See McMillen, Motherhood in the Old South, chap. 5.

3. March 31, 1763, in Drinker, The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, 1:99.

4. Eliza Haywood to John Haywood, May 19, 1800, folder 30, box 3, series 1, Ernest Haywood Collection, SHC.

5. December 30, 1825, Caroline Olivia Laurens Diary, 1823–1827, SHC.

6. Narcissa Prentiss Whitman, March 30, 1837, in Drury, First White Women over the Rockies, 1:126.

7. Mary Holyoke, November 15, 22, and 30, 1771, in Dow, The Holyoke Diaries, 77.

8. John Campbell to Edward Campbell, August 9, 1804, box 1, Campbell Family Papers, DU.

9. Catherine Read to Betsy Ludlow, December 11, 1821, folder 15, box 1, Read Family, 1766–1843, SCL. References to “gathered breasts” were common. See also Sarah Lindley Fisher to Mary Miller, April 2, 1805, folder 1, box 11, series 6, Logan-Fisher-Fox Family Papers, HSP; Esther Cox to Mary Chesnut, September 27, 1800, folder 5, box 1, Cox-Chesnut, Family Papers, 1792–1858, SCL.

10. Mary Richardson Walker, Tuesday, December 11, 1838; Wednesday, December 12, 1838; Friday, December 14, 1838, in Drury, First White Women over the Rockies, 2:136.

11. Eliza Haywood to Jane Williams, December 20, 1803, folder 40, box 4, series 1, Ernest Haywood Collection, SHC.

12. Laura Randall to Louisa Elizabeth Cabell Carrington, November 20, 1822, p. 118, Laura Henrietta Wirt Randall Papers, 1819–1857, VHS.

13. August 1, 1788, in Ballard, The Diary of Martha Ballard, 101.

14. Esther Bowes Cox to Mary Cox Chesnut, March 25, 1800, folder 5, box 1, Cox-Chesnut Family Papers, 1792–1858, SCL.

15. Esther Bowes Cox to Mary Cox Chesnut, March 7, 1801, folder 6, box 1, Cox-Chesnut Family Papers, 1792–1858, SCL.

16. Letter to Mary Cranch, April 21, 1790, in Adams, New Letters of Abigail Adams, 45.

17. July 13, 1771, and July 22, 1771, in Drinker, The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, 1:162, 163.

18. Esther Bowes Cox to Mary Cox Chesnut, November 9, 1797, folder 4, box 1, Cox-Chesnut Family Papers, 1792–1858, SCL.

19. Mary Richardson Walker, December 29, 1838; December 30, 1838, in Drury, First White Women over the Rockies, 2:139.

20. Agnes Cabell to Louisa Cabell Carrington, May 25, 1824, Cabell-Carrington Papers, UVA.

21. Letter to Elizabeth Bordley, April 27, 1827, in E. Lewis, George Washington’s Beautiful Nelly, 188.

22. Sarah (Bennett) Hopkins to Erastus Hopkins, June 8, 1836, box/folder 28/664/02, Erastus Hopkins Correspondence, 1834–1838, SCHS.

23. Margaret Brooke to Robert Brooke, January 28, 1843, Papers of Robert S. Brooke, UVA.

24. Eliza Fisher to Mary Middleton, September 12, 1844, in Harrison, Best Companions, 401.

25. April 1, 1839, in Kemble, Journal of a Residence, 296.

26. December 7, 1802, in Drinker, The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, 2:1597.

27. Jane Gay (Robertson) Bernard to John H. Bernard, February 25, 1819, Robertson Family Papers, 1818–1820, VHS.

28. Georgina Margaret Amory Lowell to Ann Tracy, September 9, 1827, folder 2.7, box 2, John Lowell Papers, 1808–1851, permission of MHS.

29. Rebecca Allen Turner, “Little Jesse’s Diary,” August 29, 1857, vol. M:6888, Turner Family Papers 1778–1929, DU.

30. Esther Bowes Cox to Mary Cox Chesnut, April 21, 1805, folder 11, box 1, Cox-Chesnut Family Papers, 1792–1858, SCL.

31. Mary Peabody to Maria Chase, August 19, 1831, folder 45, Peabody Family Papers, 1820–1853, SSC.

32. Gertrude Gouverneur Ogden Meredith to William Meredith, June 28, 1798, folder 1, box 51, Meredith Family Papers, HSP.

33. Sarah Cary to Polly Gray, March 29, 1785, in Curtis, The Cary Letters, 67.

34. Bard, Compendium, 108. Bard furthermore recommended rubbing the breasts and nipples during pregnancy and breastfeeding with olive oil, fresh lard, or butter, and, in cases of flattened nipples, placing a wax ring around the nipple to prevent clothing from pressing upon it.

35. Letter to Elizabeth Bordley, June 24, 1827, in E. Lewis, George Washington’s Beautiful Nelly, 191.

36. Portrait of Unidentified Woman Breastfeeding a Baby, daguerreotype, ca. 1848, PC136-1z, SL; and Portrait of Unidentified Woman Breastfeeding a Baby, daguerreotype, ca. 1850, PC140-1z, SL. Based on the appearance of the women’s clothing and accessories and the fact that most mothers would not have wanted to celebrate the fact that they were employing a wet nurse, I am working from the assumption that these woman were not wet nurses but were in fact the mothers of the infants they nursed. For similar images, see Woman Breast-Feeding Her Infant, daguerreotype, ca. 1845, Visual Collections—Slides and Digital Images, PAA82 1843A 70(a), Harvard Fine Arts Library; Unidentified Woman Breastfeeding a Baby, daguerreotype, ca. 1860, PC140-2z, SL; Portrait of an Unidentified Woman Breastfeeding a Baby, daguerreotype, ca. 1860s, PC140-4z, SL.

37. Caulfield, “Infant Feeding in Colonial America,” 677.

38. Classified advertisement, Boston News-Letter, November 15–22, 1714, no. 553:2.

39. Classified advertisement, New York Daily Advertiser, January 30, 1795, no. 3108:4.

40. See, for example, classified advertisement, Southern Patriot, January 23, 1846, 55, no. 8264:3; and classified advertisement, New York Gazette, and Weekly Mercury, February 12, 1770, no. 955:4.

41. For more on the causes of failed maternal breastfeeding, see Golden, A Social History of Wet Nursing, 17–20.

42. Wertz and Wertz, Lying-In, 20; Ulrich, “ ‘The Living Mother of a Living Child,’ ” 28, 31. See also Ulrich, A Midwife’s Tale, 373n7.

43. Golden, A Social History of Wet Nursing, 18–19.

44. McMillen, Motherhood in the Old South, appendix I, table III. These statistics may not fully reflect maternal mortality rates, as they may not account for women who died after childbirth of related complications. For further estimates of nineteenth-century mortality rates, see also Berman, “The Practice of Obstetrics in Rural America”; Vinovskis, “Mortality Rates and Trends in Massachusetts before 1860,” esp. 201. Judith Walzer Leavitt argues that improvements in obstetrics have been quite recent: by 1930 there was still roughly 1 maternal death per 150 births. See Leavitt, Brought to Bed, 23–26.

45. Trends in Maternal Mortality: 1990 to 2013, 8.

46. D. B. Smith, Inside the Great House, 35.

47. McMillen, Motherhood in the Old South, 118.

48. Hoffert, Private Matters.

49. For information on the variations in wet nurse wages, see Golden, A Social History of Wet Nursing, 28–31.

50. Classified advertisement, Independent Ledger, August 14, 1780, 3, no. 114:3.

51. For a discussion of infant mortality related to wet nursing, see Golden, A Social History of Wet Nursing, 14.

52. Emily West and R. J. Knight have argued that wet nursing should be located “along a spectrum of gendered exploitation,” ranging from the voluntary and informal wet nursing that occurred between friends and kinswomen, to the paid wet nursing performed by women who had few economic options, to the wet nursing performed by enslaved women who lacked the ability to choose how to use their bodies. West and Knight, “Mothers’ Milk,” 37.

53. For further analysis of the commodification of enslaved women’s bodies, see, for instance, Morgan, Laboring Women; Schroeder, Slave to the Body; Schwartz, Birthing a Slave.

54. For further analysis of mothering in slavery, see Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow, chapter 1; W. King, “ ‘Suffer with Them til Death’ ”; Roberts, Killing the Black Body, chap. 1; D. White, Ar’n’t I a Woman?, esp. chap. 3.

55. February 28–March 2, 1839, in Kemble, Journal of a Residence, 215, 229–230.

56. Campbell, “Work, Pregnancy, and Infant Mortality,” 795. McMillen, Motherhood in the Old South, appendix I, table VII.

57. West and Knight, “Mothers’ Milk,” 41.

58. Wallace, Arkansas Narratives, vol. 2, pt. 7, 42.

59. Robinson, North Carolina Narratives, vol. 11, pt. 2, 218–219.

60. Calhoun, “Ex-Slave Stories (Texas),” in Texas Narratives, vol. 16, pt. 1, 188.

61. West and Knight, “Mothers’ Milk,” 50.

62. Greeley, “Stories of Ex-Slaves,” in South Carolina Narratives, vol. 14, pt. 2, 190.

63. Diary of Lucy Cocke, July 3, 1850, box 138, Papers of John Hartwell Cocke / Papers of the Cocke Family, UVA.

64. Book 2: Autobiography and Diary of Mrs. Eliza Clitherall, 1751–1860, [date?], vol. 7, p. 35, folder 19, box 2, Caroline Elizabeth Burgwin Clitherall Diaries, SHC.

65. Caroline Gilman to Harriet Fay, January 6, 1821, folder 11/154/2, Caroline Howard Gilman Papers, 1810–1880, SCHS.

66. July 15, 1765, in Drinker, The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker, 1:118.

67. Golden, A Social History of Wet Nursing, 33.

68. Nurse’s Guide, 28–29.

69. Sharp, Compleat Midwife’s Companion, 218.

70. Ibid., 219.

71. Dewees, Physical and Medical Treatment of Children, 174.

72. For an interesting analysis of the intrusive examination of the body of the wet nurse in both fiction and prescriptive texts in Victorian England, see Klimaszewski, “Examining the Wet Nurse,” 232–346.

73. Alcott, The Young Mother, 136.

74. Golden, A Social History of Wet Nursing, 38–39.

75. “Wanted—A Dry Nurse” (cartoon), Turner’s 1839 Comick Almanack.

76. Peggy Craig to Miss Montgomery, November 16, 1813, folder 13, box 1, Biddle and Craig Family Papers, HSP.

77. October 27, 1818, Lydia Smith Russell Diary, 1818, permission of MHS.

78. Eliza Middleton Fisher to Mary Hering Middleton, September 12, 1844, in Harrison, Best Companions, 401.

79. Eliza Fisher to Mary Middleton, December 19, 1844, ibid., 416.

80. March 26, 1845, Eliza Nevins Townsend Bellows Diary, 1843–1846, permission of MHS.

81. July 3, 1845, Eliza Nevins Townsend Bellows Diary, 1843–1846, permission of MHS.

82. Mary Jackson Lee to Mary Cabot Lee Higginson, August 19, 1834, folder 10, box 1, Higginson-Lee Family Correspondence, 1825–1840, AAS.

83. Mary Jackson Lee to Mary Cabot Lee Higginson, August 22, 1834, folder 10, box 1, Higginson-Lee Family Correspondence, 1825–1840, AAS.

84. Mary Jackson Lee to Mary Cabot Lee Higginson, August 25, 1834, folder 10, box 1, Higginson-Lee Family Correspondence, 1825–1840, AAS.

85. Mary Jackson Lee to Mary Cabot Lee Higginson, August 27, 1834, folder 10, box 1, Higginson-Lee Family Correspondence, 1825–1840, AAS.

86. Letter to Isabelle van Havre, February 18, 1805, in Calvert, Mistress of Riversdale, 111.

87. Mary Richardson Walker, January 6, 1839, in Drury, First White Women over the Rockies, 2:141.

88. Emily Chubbuck Judson to Jane A. Kelly, February 7, 1848, in Kendrick, Life and Letters, 288.

89. Ellen Coolidge to Mrs. Nicholas P. Trist, October 15, 1830, box 2, Correspondence of Ellen Wayles Randolph Coolidge, UVA.

Chapter Five

1. Lehuu, Carnival on the Page, 7–8, 94, 115. For further discussion of the rise of sentimental culture in the nineteenth century and the role that women played as readers and writers, see Douglas, Feminization of American Culture.

2. The cultural emphasis on ideal motherhood began to decline, however, after the 1860s as the idealization of domesticity came under suspicion by those who sought greater freedom and opportunity for women in American society. For more on the shift in feminine literature in the second half of the nineteenth century, see P. Bennett, “ ‘The Descent of the Angel,’ ” 593; P. Bennett, Poets in the Public Sphere; Mitchell, “A Wonderful Duty,” 175.

3. For a discussion of sentimentalism as a literary mode, see Kete, Sentimental Collaborations, xiv. For more on the use of emotion and sentimentalism, see, for example, Blauvelt, The Work of the Heart; J. S. Kasson, Marble Queens and Captives; Noble, Masochistic Pleasures; Samuels, The Culture of Sentiment; Tompkins, Sensational Designs; Wearn, Negotiating Motherhood.

4. For more on the culture of the middle class in America, see, for example, Halttunen, Confidence Men and Painted Women; J. F. Kasson, Rudeness and Civility; Rubin, Middlebrow Culture, chap. 1; Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class.

5. By referring to the self-invention and self-regulation of the middle class, I borrow specifically from Michel Foucault’s argument that the middle class turned its technologies of discipline and regulation on itself in order to create and reaffirm its own image before attempting to reform society at large. Sentimental culture played a significant role in these processes. See Foucault, The History of Sexuality: Volume 1: An Introduction, esp. 121–124.

6. As Jeanne Boydston has written, “For all of its exuberance and apparent self-confidence as the new arbiters of America’s morals … the emerging middle class expressed a constant anxiety over its economic vulnerability.” Domestic culture provided a reassuring antidote to that anxiety. Boydston, Home and Work, 72. Ann Douglas has also addressed the convergence of the market economy and sentimentalism, explaining that “many nineteenth-century Americans in the Northeast acted every day as if they believed that economic expansion, urbanization, and industrialization represented the greatest good.” In Douglas’s analysis, sentimental culture then became a means of contesting these processes—“a form of dragging one’s heels.” Douglas, Feminization of American Culture, 12.

7. Rubin, Middlebrow Culture, 3–5.

8. Lehuu, Carnival on the Page, 96–98.

9. Kete, Sentimental Collaborations, 54.

10. Mary P. Ryan notes that the American middle class is a somewhat nebulous concept, but that the Second Great Awakening was driven primarily by those who fell somewhere between the wealthy and the working poor. Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class, 13–14.

11. For more on the culture of millennialism, see Johnson, Shopkeeper’s Millennium; Moorhead, “Between Progress and Apocalypse.”

12. As Barbara Welter has argued, piety was the first trait attached to the concept of “true womanhood.” Thus women’s influence, particularly as mothers, was placed at the heart of evangelical religion. See Welter, “Cult of True Womanhood.” For more on the role of women in evangelical religion, see Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class, esp. chap. 2.

13. For more on the evangelical understanding of motherhood and the role of maternal associations, see Meckel, “Educating a Ministry of Mothers.”

14. For a discussion of the concept of female influence, particularly as it was described and enacted in sentimental culture, see Douglas, Feminization of American Culture, 9.

15. Sigourney, Letters to Mothers, 9.

16. “Autumn Thoughts,” Boston Literary Magazine, 307.

17. For the very early history of American women’s magazines, see Zuckerman, Popular Women’s Magazines.

18. K. Smith, We Have Raised All of You, chap. 9.

19. MacDonald, The Education of the Heart.

20. Darton, A Present for a Little Girl, title page.

21. Upton, My Childhood, n.p.

22. Ann Taylor, My Mother.

23. Sproat, Ditties for Children; see, for example, 12, 14, 19–21.

24. See, for example, an image of mother and daughter walking out in Woodworth, Holiday Book, 66. See also an image of a mother bending over three children and their toys in Goodrich, Peter Parley’s Winter Evening Tales, engraved title page.

25. Because of their use of graphics, publications such as magazines and giftbooks were relatively expensive compared to novels, which might be purchased for as little as seventy-five cents or a dollar. See Aronson, Taking Liberties, 14; Lehuu, Carnival on the Page, 77.

26. For more on the importance of fashion plates in Godey’s, see Lehuu, “Sentimental Figures.”

27. Patterson, Art for the Middle Classes, 9–11.

28. Ibid., 15.

29. Lehuu, Carnival on the Page, 78.

30. Ibid., 103.

31. Ibid., 115–117.

32. See, for example, The Gipsy Mother, an image based on a painting by David Wilkie, which was paired with a poem in which a “Gipsy” woman melded maternal sentiment with terrible curses, signaling disorderly and twisted motherhood. See Lamb, “The Gipsy’s Malison,” in The Gem of the Season, 122. See also an image of an old mother and her young daughter, accompanied by a poem titled “Help My Mother.” The woman’s wrinkled face and humble garb signaled her poverty and distress, eliciting pity rather than reverence from the viewer. See Hesse, Help My Mother (graphic), and Dix, “Help My Mother” (poem), Godey’s Magazine and Lady’s Book, 38.

33. Tucker, The Empty Cradle (graphic), and “The Empty Cradle” (poem), Godey’s Magazine and Lady’s Book, 12.

34. Wright, The Dying Babe, in Casket; or Youth’s Pocket Library, n.p. For similar images of bereaved mothers, see, for instance, Agate, The Dead Boy, in Christian Keepsake and Missionary Annual, n.p.; Corbould, The Mother and Babe, in The Iris: An Illuminated Souvenir for 1851, n.p.

35. Weir, Maternal Affection, in The American Juvenile Keepsake, n.p.

36. Mother and Infant, in Mother’s Assistant, and Young Lady’s Friend, n.p.

37. Robins, “On a Mother and Her Infant,” Mother’s Assistant and Young Lady’s Friend, 107.

38. Murillo, The Christian Mother, in Godey’s Lady’s Book, n.p.

39. Neal, “The Christian Mother,” Godey’s Lady’s Book, 67.

40. Lehuu, Carnival on the Page, 117.

41. Timbrell, Maternal Instruction, in Godey’s Magazine and Lady’s Book, n.p.

42. Andrews and Smith, Infant Devotion, in Rose of Sharon, a Religious Souvenir, n.p.

43. Leslie, The Mother, in The Gem of the Season, n.p.

44. Hesse, Help My Mother.

45. Witherington, A Summer Scene for a Winter Month, in Godey’s Lady’s Book, n.p.

46. Gainsborough, The Cottage Door, in The Lady’s Book, n.p. Variations of this image also appear in numerous giftbooks. See, for instance, Gift of Friendship (Lowell, MA, 1848) and The Amaranth, or Token of Remembrance (Boston, 1849).

47. Versions of this image appeared in both magazines and giftbooks. See, for example, Sharpe, The Unlooked for Return, in The Lady’s Book, n.p.; Sharpe, The Unlooked-for Return, in The Keepsake, 27.

48. For more on the popularity of sentimental poetry, see, for example Mary Louise Kete’s discussion of Harriet Gould’s Book, an album of verse written by friends and family for a New England woman in the antebellum period. The album contains original verse as well as copies and adaptations of published poems. Kete, Sentimental Collaborations, chap. 1. See also Cavitch, American Elegy.

49. P. Bennett, “Not Just Filler and Not Just Sentimental,” 202.

50. Okker, Our Sister Editors, 140–142. For more on Sarah Josepha Hale’s agenda as editor of Godey’s, see also Sommers, “Godey’s Lady’s Book.”

51. Searle, Season of Maternal Solicitude, 8.

52. Richardson, Pamela, 3:168.

53. Ibid., 300.

54. For a more in-depth discussion of the convergence of female virtue, sexuality, and motherhood in Pamela, see Peters, “The Pregnant Pamela.”

55. Richardson, Clarissa, 706.

56. [Darwin], “Elegant Extracts,” New-Hampshire Sentinel, 4. See also [Darwin], “Maternal Fondness,” Columbian Phoenix and Boston Review, 445.

57. “Verses to My First-Born,” Cincinnati Literary Gazette, 96. See also “Verses to My First Born,” Ladies’ Literary Cabinet, 88.

58. “The Good Mother,” Lady’s Weekly Miscellany, 320. For almost identical imagery, see also “Sonnet, on Divine Providence,” New-York Daily Gazette, 2.

59. “The Mother to Her Child,” Lady’s Weekly Miscellany, 64.

60. “A Mother’s Prayer, on the Birth of Her Child,” Lady’s Monthly Museum, 111.

61. Cist, “A Mother’s Love,” Godey’s Lady’s Book, 109.

62. M’Cabe, “The Stepmother,” Godey’s Lady’s Book, 339.

63. See, for example, Cavitch, American Elegy; Frank, Representations of Death; D. Henderson, Grief and Genre; Kete, Sentimental Collaborations.

64. Alcott, “The Morality of Beauty,” Mother’s Assistant, and Young Lady’s Friend, 68.

65. Norton, “The English Mother,” The Lady’s Book [Godey’s], 182.

66. Noble, Masochistic Pleasures, 32.

67. Carpenter, “A Mother’s Smile,” in The Young Ladies’ Oasis, 77.

68. Kilbourn, “To My Mother,” Godey’s Lady’s Book, 93.

69. Willis, “Mother’s Voice,” Mother’s Assistant, and Young Lady’s Friend, 86.

70. Waterman, “My Mother,” Godey’s Magazine and Lady’s Book, 45.

71. [Sigourney], “Child at a Mother’s Grave,” The Farmers’ Cabinet, 4.

72. Montgomery, “A Mother’s Love,” The Christian Journal, and Literary Register, 379.

73. Sompayrac, “To My Mother in Heaven,” Mother’s Assistant, and Young Lady’s Friend, 156.

74. Dyer, “Maternal Love,” Mother’s Assistant, and Young Lady’s Friend, 6.

75. Cist, “A Mother’s Love,” 109.

76. “Autumn Thoughts,” 307.

77. “A Mother,” Mother’s Assistant, and Young Lady’s Friend, 38.

78. Robins, “On a Mother and Her Infant,” 107.

79. “A Mother’s Prayer, on the Birth of Her Child,” 110–111.

80. Cooley, “My Mother’s Good-By,” Godey’s Magazine and Lady’s Book, 108.

81. Wolfe, “The Memory of My Mother,” Mother’s Magazine and Family Monitor, 254.

82. This estimate comes from examining the holdings of the Library Company of Philadelphia, which possesses a nearly complete run of the magazine during this time span, for a total of roughly forty volumes (excepting a few missing volumes, each representing six issues).

83. “My Mother’s Grave,” Mrs. Whittelsey’s Magazine for Mothers and Daughters, 94.

84. Sigourney, “The Mother’s Parting Gift,” Mother’s Assistant, and Young Lady’s Friend, 80.

85. Lander, “Baptism of the Dying Mother’s Child,” Mother’s Magazine and Family Monitor, 60.

86. “The Women of Philadelphia,” in Stanton, Anthony, and Gage, History of Woman Suffrage, 1:804.

87. Kirkland, “General Introduction,” in Reid, Woman, Her Education and Influence, 12.

88. Knill, “A Mother’s Prayers,” Mother’s Assistant, and Young Lady’s Friend, 6.

89. See, for instance, “Maternal Influence,” The Lady’s Book [Godey’s], 73.

90. Wise, “The Bereaved Mother,” Mother’s Assistant, and Young Lady’s Friend, 7.

91. Noble, Masochistic Pleasures, 36.

92. Lehuu, Carnival on the Page, 105.

Chapter Six

1. For more on antislavery giftbooks and their role in fund-raising, see Fritz and Fee, “To Give the Gift of Freedom.”

2. Laura Ferguson, introductory material in Basker, Early American Abolitionists, 277–278. See also Basker, Amazing Grace, xl, 641.

3. “Address to the Heart, on the Subject of American Slavery,” American Museum, 538.

4. Husband, Antislavery Discourse, 1–2.

5. Chaney, Fugitive Vision, 23.

6. Bernier, “ ‘Iron Arguments,’ ” 69.

7. Berlant, “The Female Woman,” 269.

8. Husband, Antislavery Discourse, 5.

9. Ibid., 16.

10. Wood, The Poetry of Slavery, xxiv.

11. The Liberator, for instance, which disseminated poetry and prose, was published from 1831 through 1865 and had a circulation of about 2,300 by 1834, with a majority of African American subscribers. See Ripley, Black Abolitionist Papers, 3:9. In contrast, mainstream publications such as Godey’s Lady’s Book reached tens of thousands of subscribers. Subscriptions to Godey’s, for instance, reached around 150,000. See Zuckerman, Popular Women’s Magazines, 3.

12. Two extensive anthologies testify to the importance of antislavery poetry but have yet to be joined by equally extensive analyses of the poetry and its role in the antislavery movement. See Basker, Amazing Grace, and Wood, The Poetry of Slavery.

13. Salerno, Sister Societies, 17.

14. For more on women’s involvement in the antislavery movement, see also Cima, Performing Anti-slavery; Jeffrey, The Great Silent Army of Abolitionism; Yellin, Women and Sisters; Zaeske, Signatures of Citizenship.

15. “The Slave Mother,” Liberator 5, no. 2, January 10, 1835, 8.

16. Russell, “The Slave Mother,” in The Harp of Freedom, 253.

17. [N.], “The Slave Mother’s Appeal,” Zion’s Herald, 1.

18. “The Slave Mother,” Religious Intelligencer, 375.

19. For a detailed analysis of the mind/body hierarchy and its relation to racial ideology, particularly in the antebellum South, see, for example, Etter, The Good Body; Schroeder, Slave to the Body.

20. “O, Pity the Slave Mother,” in The Anti-slavery Harp, 6.

21. Norton, “The English Mother,” The Lady’s Book [Godey’s], 182.

22. [W. G. K.], “The Slave Mother’s Lament for Her Children,” National Era, 157.

23. Lowell, “The Slave Mother,” Christian Secretary, 4.

24. “The Slave Mother,” Liberator 5, no. 2, January 10, 1835, 8.

25. Sigourney, “The Mother,” in Poems, 85.

26. “O, Pity the Slave Mother,” in The Anti-slavery Harp, 6.

27. Lowell, “The Slave Mother,” Christian Secretary, 4.

28. Paulina, “The Slave Mother to Her Child,” National Era, 121.

29. Goulu, “The Slave Mother’s Prayer,” Ladies’ Literary Portfolio, 389.

30. [W. H.], “The Slave-Mother,” Philanthropist, 0_4.

31. Ibid.

32. “The Slave Mother,” Liberator 5, no. 2, January 10, 1835, 8.

33. “The Slave Mother,” Boston Recorder, 80.

34. Hutchinson, “The Bereaved Mother,” in The Anti-slavery Harp, 19.

35. “The Slave Mother,” Liberator 3, no. 48, November 30, 1833, 192.

36. Burleigh, “The Dying Slave Mother,” Liberty Bell, 31–36.

37. Eames, “The Slave Mother,” National Era, 149.

38. Charlotte Elizabeth, “The Slave Mother and Her Babe,” Liberator, 104.

39. Clark, “ ‘The Sacred Rights of the Weak,’ ” 465.

40. Halttunen, “Humanitarianism and the Pornography of Pain,” 304.

41. Charlotte Elizabeth, “The Slave Mother and Her Babe,” Liberator, 104.

42. [W. H.], “The Slave-Mother,” Philanthropist, 0_4.

43. Sorisio, Fleshing Out America, 48.

44. Goddu, “Anti-slavery’s Panoramic Perspective,” 12.

45. Teresa A. Goddu estimates as many as 40,000 depictions of slavery each year during the 1830s. Ibid.

46. Wood, Black Milk, 27–28. See also Wood, Blind Memory.

47. Goddu, “The Antislavery Almanac,” 132.

48. Chaney, Fugitive Vision, 6.

49. Goddu, “Anti-slavery’s Panoramic Perspective,” 12–13.

50. Maurie D. McInnis has shown that depictions of auctions and the separation of families were at the heart of antislavery art and visual culture. See McInnis, Slaves Waiting for Sale.

51. “[African American female slave being separated from her children by slave dealers],” in American Anti-slavery Almanac for 1838.

52. Views of Slavery (broadside) (New York, ca. 1836).

53. “Selling a Mother from Her Child,” in American Anti-slavery Almanac for 1840, 15.

54. Hutchinson, “The Bereaved Mother,” in The Anti-slavery Harp, 19.

55. [Cover with illustration], American Anti-slavery Almanac for 1843.

56. Lasser, “Voyeuristic Abolitionism.”

57. See, for example, “Flogging American Women,” in Bourne, Picture of Slavery, 100.

58. Bourne, Picture of Slavery, 88.

59. Etter, The Good Body, 87.

60. Sorisio, Fleshing Out America. For more on race, gender, and the body, see, for example, Gould, The Mismeasure of Man; Schroeder, Slave to the Body.

Conclusion

1. April 13, 1756, in Burr, The Journal of Esther Edwards Burr, 192.

2. Hannah Heath to Ann White, January 23, 1796, Letterbook, Hannah Williams Heath Diaries, 1805–1832, permission of MHS.

3. Sarah Preston (Everett) Hale to Alexander and Lucretia Everett, September 14, 1822, folder 6, box 9, Hale Family Papers, 1787–1988, SSC.

4. Gertrude Gouverneur Ogden Meredith to William Meredith, February 26, 1797, folder 1, box 51, Meredith Family Papers, HSP, and April 16, 1854, folder 1, Jane Evans Elliot Diaries, 1837–1882, SHC.

5. January 27, 1784, vol. 13, p. 5, Sarah Logan Fisher Diaries, HSP.

6. For birthrate statistics, see D’Emilio and Freedman, Intimate Matters, 58. See also Leavitt, Brought to Bed, 19.

7. Theriot, Mothers and Daughters, 81–82.

8. Saur, Maternity, 195.

9. Duffey, What Women Should Know, 117.

10. For more on the philosophy of voluntary motherhood, see Gordon, Woman’s Body, Woman’s Right.

11. For more on contraceptive technology and availability, see D’Emilio and Freedman, Intimate Matters, esp. pt. 2.

12. Quoted in Leavitt, Brought to Bed, 33.

13. Quoted in Wertz and Wertz, Lying-In, 118.

14. Wortham, “Facebook Won’t Budge on Breastfeeding Photos.”

15. See, for example, Cindy Stearns’s discussion of sexuality and motherhood in “Breastfeeding and the Good Maternal Body,” 309.

16. “Breastfeeding Laws,” National Conference of State Legislatures.

17. Stearns, “Breastfeeding and the Good Maternal Body,” 311.

18. Marty, online comment, January 2, 2009.

19. Roberts, Killing the Black Body.

20. “Modern Family.”

21. Ostriker, The Mother/Child Papers, 33.

22. Olds, “The Language of the Brag,” in Satan Says, 44–45.

23. Pollock, Telling Bodies Performing Birth, 29.

Additional Information

ISBN
9781469637204
MARC Record
OCLC
1111955650
Pages
211-240
Launched on MUSE
2019-08-13
Language
English
Open Access
Yes
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