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  1.  James Darmesteter, The Selected Essays of James Darmesteter, trans. by H. B. Jastrow (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1895), pp. 241–43.

  2.  Mark Wischnitzer, To Dwell in Safety: The Story of Jewish Migration Since 1800 (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1948), p. 62.

  3.  J. H. Noyes, quoted in Neil J. Smelser, Theory of Collective Behavior (New York: Free Press, 1962), p. 357.

Chapter 1

  1.  Arthur Ruppin, Jews in the Modern World, p. xxviii: “Our chief aim now must be normality.” This idea is further expressed in his chap. X (“The Beginnings of Agriculture”). In an earlier work, The Jews of Today, chap. XV (“Creation of a Self-Contained Jewish Life by a Return to Agriculture”), Ruppin states his view of the need for normalizing Jewish life.

  2.  Samuel Joseph, Jewish Immigration to the United States from 1881 to 1910, p. 22. See also Bernard Pares, A History of Russia, pp. 264–65, 271–72.

  3.  Gerold T. Robinson, Rural Russia Under the Old Regime, p. 183. See also Lionel Kochan (ed.), The Jews in Soviet Russia Since 1917, pp. 1–2, 16–17; Pares, pp. 411 ff.; Jesse D. Clarkson, A History of Russia, pp. 330–31.

  4.  G. T. Robinson, p. 80; B. H. Sumner, A Short History of Russia, pp. 126–31.

  5.  Joseph, Immigration, p. 29.

  6.  G. T. Robinson, pp. 88–89.

  7.  Ibid., pp. 59–60.

  8.  Joseph, Immigration, pp. 28, 42–45, 158. See also the study (cited by Joseph) made by I. M. Rubinow, Economic Condition of the Jews in Russia.

  9.  G. T. Robinson, p. 97.

10.  Joseph, Immigration, p. 27, quoting Anatole Leroy-Beaulieu, The Empire of the Tsars.

11.  Joseph, Immigration, p. 158. See also UJE, VIII, 346.

12.  Rubinow, Economic Conditions.

13.  Ruppin, Jews of Today, p. 159; Clarkson, pp. 257–58. The decree of Alexander I in 1804 regulating the position of the Jews marks the Russian government’s first attempt at resettling them in agriculture. Such importance was assigned this effort that the Pale itself was, for Jewish agricultural enterprise, extended to include Astrakhan and the Caucasus (Clarkson, p. 258).

14.  A comprehensive account of the Jewish farm movement in Russia is found in S. M. Dubnow, History of the Jews in Russia and Poland, Vol. 1, chaps. X, XII; Vol. 11, chaps. X–XXXI. See also Herman Rosenthal, “Agriculture, South Russian Colonies,” JE, I, 252–56; Ruppin, Jews of Today, Chap XV; Leonard G. Robinson, “Agricultural Activities of the Jews in America,” American Jewish Yearbook, 5673, pp. 21–115; Herman Frank, “Jewish Mass Colonization in Soviet Russia,” Reflex, II, no. 2 (February, 1928), 54–61. See B. D. Brutzkus, Yiddishe Landsvirtshaft in Mizrach Airopa.

15.  Frank, p. 55; Clarkson, pp. 256–58.

16.  Salo W. Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, II, 278–79.

17.  Ibid., II, 285–98. See also JE, III, 267; VII, 587; UJE, II, 409–10; Howard M. Sachar, Course of Modern Jewish History, pp. 221 ff.; Lucy S. Dawidowicz (ed.), Golden Tradition, pp. 46 ff. On Brafman, see Dubnow, II, 187 ff., and EJ, IV, 1287–88; Ismar Elbogen, Century of Jewish Life, p. 62. On the Kutais blood libel case, see Dubnow, II, 204. On Hippolyte Lutostanski and Alexander III, see ibid., pp. 203–4, 244. Louis Greenberg, The Jews in Russia: The Struggle for Emancipation, I, 93–96, calls Brafman’s Kniga Kagala (“The Book of the Kahal”) “a factor contributing to anti-Jewish feeling.” The Lithuanian-born Bernard Berenson, however, spoke favorably of Brafman’s book as “a work . . . in Russian . . . [which] attempted to denounce [the] corruptions [of the Kahal]”; see Berenson, “Contemporary Jewish Fiction,” Andover Review, X (1888), 600.

18.  Dubnow, II, 260; Greenberg, II, 24; Philip Cowen, Memories of an American Jew, chap. V (“The American Hebrew and the Community”); Narcisse Leven, Cinquante Ans d’Histoire: L’Alliance Israélite Universelle, Vol. II, chap. XIII (“L’Émigration”); Sachar, 243 ff., 306 ff.; Zosa Szajkowski, “How the Mass Migration to America Began,” Jewish Social Studies, IV (1942), 295 ff., and “European Attitude to East European Jewish Immigration (1881–93),” PAJHS, XLI (1951–52), 127 ff. Arthur Goldhaft, The Golden Egg, p. 23, recalls being told that in Brody, the Austrian border city, “the streets became filled with homeless refugees.”

19.  Cowen, pp. 94–95.

20.  L. Robinson, p. 58. For the names of the founders, see Cowen, p. 96.

21.  There are references to the establishment in the early nineteenth century of societies devoted to the encouragement of agriculture for Jews. As early as 1820, the “American Society for Meliorating the Condition of Jews” was established, its purpose “to repair the wrongs suffered by Jews at the hands of Christians.” It was a plan for the settlement of Jewish converts. See Max J. Kohler, “An Early American Hebrew-Christian Agricultural Colony,” PAJHS, XXII, 184 ff. In The Asmonean, XII, 45–46, a letter by D. E. M. DeLara criticizing the statement “Jews as a community push exclusively the commercial interests” points to the existence of a Jewish agricultural society at that time—1855—grappling with the problem.

22.  George, Progress and Poverty, p. 294, and Our Land and Land Policy, pp. 98–99; Julius Stern, “On the Establishment of a Jewish Colony in the United States,” Occident and American Jewish Advocate, I (April, 1843), 28–32; H. L. Sabsovich, “Agricultural and Vocational Education,” in R. Morris and M. Freund (editors), Trends and Issues in Jewish Social Welfare in the United States, 1899–1952, pp. 43–44; Philip R. Goldstein, Social Aspects of the Jewish Colonies of South Jersey, p. 13; Szajkowski, “The Attitude of American Jews to East European Jewish Immigration (1881–1893),” PAJHS, XL (1950–51), 271; American Hebrew, April 16, October 8, 1880; Sholem Aleichem tsu Imigranten (New York: Educational Alliance, 1903), p. 15 (Yiddish). The Am Olam diary is quoted in Greenberg, The Jews in Russia, II, 166. The novelist Mordecai Spector (1858–1925), a native of the Ukraine, advocated Zionist agricultural efforts in his Yiddisher Muzhik (“The Jewish Peasant”) in 1884 (see JE, XI, 502–3; EJ, XV, 258). Berenson, pp. 588, 600, sees Spector as significant in “contemporary Jewish literature [which] is the expression of an effort [by Jews] to approach the modern Occident.”

23.  Dubnow, II, 420: “The Russian government in the 1880’s merely tolerated emigration, but in the 1890’s they encouraged it; viz., they permitted the establishment of the Central Committee on Emigration of Jews in 1891.” Joseph, Immigration, p. 95, documents the tremendous influx of Jewish immigrants to the United States during the last two decades of the nineteenth century. See also Salo W. Baron, Steeled by Adversity, pp. 289–96.

24.  See Pares, p. 59; EJ, II, 401 ff.; Elbogen, p. 87; Joseph, Immigration, p. 189; H. Sabsovich, p. 44; Marc Fried, “Deprivation and Migration,” in D. P. Moynihan (ed.), On Understanding Poverty, pp. 112–20, 147–48.

               Manuel A. Kursheedt, secretary of New York’s Russian Emigrant Relief Fund, complained to S. Hermann Goldschmidt, President of the Alliance Israélite Universelle, in 1881 that “very few [of the immigrant Jews] are farmers in the American sense. . . . Most . . . are clerks or tradesmen; they know no handicraft and wish to peddle. We are overrun with peddlars already” (PAJHS, XL [1950–51], 265).

25.  See Hersch Liebmann, “International Migration of the Jews,” in W. F. Willcox (ed.), International Migrations, II, 487–500; Shlomo Noble, “The Image of the American Jew in Hebrew and Yiddish Literature in America, 1870–1900,” YIVO Annual of Jewish Social Science, IV (1954), 100. See also J. W. Jenks et al., The Immigration Problem, p. 91: “The Hebrew is not adapted by training or tradition to be a pioneer farmer and in general his attempts at agriculture . . . are not as satisfactory as in most colonies of other races.” See also R. E. Park and H. A. Miller, Old World Traits Transplanted, p. 195: “The Jews tend even more than other immigrant groups to settle in cities.”

               Goldhaft, Golden Egg, p. 32, remarks about Jewish colonizers in Kansas: “. . . what defeated those early Jewish farmers was their past. Not only their personal past, but the past of the generations that preceded them . . . city folk, students, talkers, intellectuals, and with all the willingness in the world, they couldn’t make it.” See Everett L. Cooley, “Clarion, Utah: Jewish Colony in ‘Zion,’ ” Utah Historical Quarterly, XXXVI (1968), No. 2, 117–18, where in 1914 the leader of a Utah colonization effort tells the governor of the state that “the little work that is carried on at Clarion now is just going to be a living demonstration against the false and ironeous (sic) charges made against” the Jews, that they are fit only for petty trading.

26.  Abraham Cahan, The Education of Abraham Cahan, translated by Leon Stein et al., p. 186; Sumner, p. 340. Cowen, p. 99, calls the New Odessa colony “a sort of Fourierism.” These older utopian traditions to which the immigrant Jewish founders of agricultural colonies gave new expression are discussed by William A. Hinds, American Communities and Cooperative Colonies. Jews, of course, as Hinds makes very clear, were by no means the only ones to attempt experiments in communal living. The non-Jews who thought in such terms far outnumbered them: see, for example, Ralph Albertson, A Survey of Mutualistic Communities in America (Iowa City, 1936); Adin Ballou, History of the Hopedale Community (Lowell, Mass., 1897); Thomas Brown, An Account of the People Called Shakers (Troy, N.Y., 1812); Katherine Burton, Paradise Planters: The Story of Brook Farm (London, 1939); Etienne Cabet, History and Constitution of the Icarian Community (Iowa City, 1917); Delburn Carpenter, The Radical Pietists (New York, 1975); Allan Estlake, The Oneida Community (London, 1900); John L. Gillin, The Dunkers (New York, 1906); Robert J. Hendricks, Bethel and Aurora (New York, 1933); Howard W. Kriebel, The Schwenkfelders in Pennsylvania (Lancaster, 1904); George B. Lockwood, The New Harmony Communities (Marion, Ind., 1902); E. O. Randall, History of the Zoar Society (Columbus, 1904); Jacob J. Sessler, Communal Pietism Among Early American Moravians (New York, 1933); and Samuel G. Zerfass, Souvenir Book of the Ephrata Cloister (Lititz, Pa., 1921). See also Edmund Wilson, To the Finland Station, pp. 98 ff.; Joel S. Geffen, “Jewish Agricultural Colonies as Reported in . . . the Russian Hebrew Press . . . ,” AJHQ, LX (1970–71), 381.

               On Charles Fourier, see Èmile Poulat in IESS, V (1968), 548, where “a direct relationship” is seen “between Fourierism and the cooperative movement which played an important role before 1914 and of which there are . . . new developments . . . in Yugoslavia, Israel, and the countries of the Third World.” See also Asa Briggs on Robert Owen in IESS, XI, 352, where Owen is said to have “done much to develop a constructive critique of industrialism.”

Chapter 2

  1.  Ruppin, “Agricultural Achievements in Palestine,” Contemporary Jewish Record, V, No. 3 (June, 1942), 275. See EJ, XIV, 430–32, on Ruppin.

  2.  Isaac Goldberg, Major Noah, chap. VIII (“Embarkation for Utopia”). The chief source of information about the ceremonies attending the foundation of Ararat is Lewis Allen, “Mordecai M. Noah’s Ararat Project,” a paper read at the Buffalo Historical Society, March 5, 1886, and reprinted in Max J. Kohler, “Some Early American Zionist Projects,” PAJHS, VIII, Appendix II, 97–118. It tells of the grandiloquent ceremonies that marked the opening of Ararat. Goldberg says: “[it was] a still, though not noiseless birth” (p. 203). Noah even went so far as to have a cornerstone made for the first building to be erected in the American Zion. The cornerstone tells all that is essential about the project: “. . . the Refuge for the Jews, Founded by Mordecai Manuel Noah, in the Month of Tishrei, 5568, Sept., 1825, in the 50th year of American Independence” (PAJHS, VIII, 105). The project was no sooner launched than it was abandoned by Noah, and nothing more came of it; see Goldberg, pp. 203–4, and Jonathan D. Sarna, “The Roots of Ararat: An Early Letter from Mordecai M. Noah to Peter B. Porter,” AJA, XXXII (1980), 52–58. On Kirschbaum, see Bernard D. Weinryb, “Noah’s Ararat Jewish State in its Historical Setting,” PAJHS, XLIII (1953–54), 183–84. On the “Hep, hep!” riots, see Heinrich Graetz, History of the Jews, V, 528 ff.

  3.  M. U. Schappes (ed.), A Documentary History of the Jews in the United States, pp. 195–98, offers the text of Zeire Hazon’s “Address.” See also H. B. Grinstein, The Rise of the Jewish Community of New York, pp. 116–19. Grinstein, pp. 119–22, also speaks of the Sholem colony. See also PAJHS, XXIII (1915), 178–79, and XXXV (1939), 306–9; Gabriel Davidson, “The Tragedy of Sholem,” Jewish Tribune, XXXIX, No. 24 (June 16, 1922), 1, 13; XXXIX, No. 25 (June 22, 1922), 13–14; H. David Rutman, “The Sholem Colony,” The Journal (Ellenville, N.Y.), January 4, 1973, p. 10; January 11, 1973, p. 12; January 18, 1973, p. 10; January 25, 1973, p. 12; February 1, 1973, p. 10; and Richard Singer, “The American Jew in Agriculture,” pp. 56–57.

  4.  “A Call To Establish a Hebrew Agricultural Society,” New York, May 13, 1885 (American Jewish Historical Society, Waltham, Mass.); Grinstein, pp. 123–26.

  5.  See Allan Nevins and Henry S. Commager, A Pocket History of the United States, pp. 337 ff.; Francis G. Walett, Economic History of the United States, pp. 128, 135. The Jews were not the first East Europeans to attempt agricultural colonization in post-Civil War America. Polish utopians—non-Jews, including the novelist Henryk Sienkiewicz—founded a short-lived colony in Anaheim, California, during the 1870s: see Robert V. Hine, California’s Utopian Colonies (San Marino: Huntington Library, 1953), pp. 137–40, and Leonard Leader, “Poles Apart: Southern California a Polish Commonwealth,” in Los Angeles Times, May 4, 1980.

  6.  See Bernard D. Weinryb, “East European Immigration to the United States,” Jewish Quarterly Review, XLV (1955), 512, 518.

  7.  For the origin of the Am Olam group, see Boris D. Bogen, Jewish Philanthropy, pp. 90, 130; Abraham Menes, “The Am Oylom Movement,” in Joshua A. Fishman (ed.), Studies in Modern Jewish Social History, pp. 155 ff.; Joseph Brandes, Immigrants to Freedom, pp. 18–24. On the AIS, see EJ, II, 648–54.

               Elbogen, p. 727 (note 4), makes mention of Abraham Cahan’s Bleter: Cahan “met members of the [Am Olam] league in [Austrian] Brody and was astonished that they were not socialists.” Cahan, in the English version of the first two volumes of the Bleter, comments that, in contrast to the failure of Robert Owen’s “attempt to establish a colony,” the “new Jewish colonies [in America] would endure because they would be based on sound socialist ideas,” but in Brody he found few Am Olamites who felt as he did: “. . . their idealism was deep and genuine, [but] they gave little thought to the doctrines of communism and socialism. They were determined only to start colonies in which life, a new kind of life for Jews, would be beautiful.” Only the Odessa Am Olamites, he found, acknowledged “communist intentions.” See Abraham Cahan, The Education of Abraham Cahan, translated by Leon Stein et al., pp. 186, 204. Cahan’s Bleter originally appeared in 1926.

  8.  Davidson and Goodwin, “Chalutzim in the Land of Cotton,” Jewish Tribune, XCV, No. 13 (September 27, 1929), 2, 15; Geffen, p. 358; Zosa Szajkowski, “The Attitude of American Jews to East European Jewish Immigration (1881–1893),” PAJHS, XL (1950–51), 246. See also ibid., p. 269. On Charles Netter, a leader of the Alliance Israélite Universelle, see EJ, XII, 1001–2.

  9.  Davidson and Goodwin, “Chalutzim,” p. 2.

10.  Leo Shpall, “A Jewish Agricultural Colony in Louisiana,” Louisiana Historical Quarterly, XX (July, 1937), 821–31.

11.  Ibid., p. 822; EB, eleventh edition (1911), XVII, 61.

12.  A. Stanwood Menken, Report of the Founding of the First Russian-Jewish Colony in the United States at Catahoula Parish, Louisiana, p. 4. On Robinson, manager of the Jewish Agricultural Society, see Brandes, p. 227. On the HEAS see American Jewish Year Book, 5673, pp. 58 ff.

13.  Davidson and Goodwin, “Chalutzim,” p. 2. See also Geffen, p. 357: B. Brodsky, one of the Sicily Island colonists, informed the editors of the Petrograd weekly Russki Yevrei that the original settlers numbered forty-seven men plus women and children. The colony’s success, Brodsky wrote, “will depend upon whether the settlers can accustom themselves to agricultural work with which they have not had previous experience.”

14.  Shpall, pp. 825–31, gives the entire text of the “Constitution for the First Agricultural Colony of Russian Israelites in America.” The direct quotations of the text are taken from this copy of the Constitution. Menken also appends a full copy of the Constitution.

15.  See Davidson and Goodwin, “Chalutzim,” which deserves to be considered the most extended analysis in this area of research. See also Menes, p. 169.

16.  Davidson and Goodwin, “Unique Agricultural Colony,” Reflex, II, No. 5 (May, 1928), 80–86; Szajkowski, “Attitude of American Jews to East European Jewish Immigration,” PAJHS, XL, 247; Geffen, pp. 357, 359.

17.  Davidson and Goodwin, “Chalutzim,” p. 15.

18.  Israel Kasovich, The Days of Our Years, pp. 175 ff.; Davidson and Goodwin, “Unique Agricultural Colony.” This last is the source of much of the information on the New Odessa colony.

               On the insecurity of American Jews of German background at the end of the nineteenth century, see Oscar Handlin, “American Views of the Jew at the Opening of the Twentieth Century,” PAJHS, XL (1950), 323 ff.; Jacob Rader Marcus, “Major Trends in American Jewish Historical Research,” AJA, XVI (1964), 9–10.

19.  Gustav Pollak, Michael Heilprin and His Sons, chap. I (“A Brief Sketch of His Life”). See also DAB, VII, 502–3. On Goldman, see the Felix Warburg papers, American Jewish Archives, Cincinnati, Ohio. Brandes mentions him often.

20.  Pollak, chap. XIV (“Mr. Heilprin’s Work for the Russian Refugees”); Cahan, Education, p. 251.

21.  Pollak, pp. 207–12, quotes the entire text of Heilprin’s “Appeal to the Jews.”

22.  Cowen, p. 82.

23.  Jewish Messenger, March 7, 1884, p. 4.

24.  Davidson and Goodwin, “Unique Agricultural Colony,” p. 82. “Chronicle of . . . New Odessa,” in H. Rosenthal and A. Radin, eds., Yalkut Maaravi, I, 46 ff.

25.  Cowen, p. 82.

26.  This organization was a successor to the shortlived HEAS. It had been founded in New York in November, 1883, by Heilprin, Rosenthal, and Greenberg, and its object was to “select for agriculture only earnest young men and small families and to help only those able to help themselves.” Thus, the MAAS was based on the idea of careful selection. See Samuel Joseph, Baron de Hirsch Fund, p. 9.

               “It [MAAS] left the choice of place and the internal organization of each colony to the settlers. It held no lien upon the property furnished to the colonists, relying for its reimbursement only on the honor of the colonists, if success crowned their efforts. Every settler was at liberty to leave his post without explanation or notice. New Odessa was the only colony based on Communistic principles. There was a great variety of religious views among the colonists. Mutual toleration existed everywhere, in spite of the diverse elements that made up some of the colonies. Orthodoxy prevailed at Carmel, and a glowing racial spirit animated the colony at Montefiore.” See Pollak, p. 212, quoting New York Evening Post, October 25, 1884.

27.  Pollak, pp. 207–12.

28.  Davidson and Goodwin, “Unique Agricultural Colony,” pp. 82–84.

29.  Cahan, Education, pp. 246–51, 267, 341, discusses Frey and his connection with the New Odessa colony. See also Avrahm Yarmolinsky, A Russian’s American Dream, pp. v–vii, 99–106.

30.  Davidson and Goodwin, “Unique Agricultural Colony,” quoted on p. 84; Singer, p. 538; Cahan, Education, pp. 247, 341–42. See also Geffen, pp. 374–76. On Frey, see EJ, II, 862; Menes, pp. 30–31. On Auguste Comte, see EB, eleventh edition (1911), VI, 814 ff.; Wilson, p. 103; IESS, III, 201–6; XI, 45–50; ESS, IV (1931), 151–53. On Wechsler, see American Jeiwish Year Book, 5664, p. 104, and W. Gunther Plaut, The Jews in Minnesota, pp. 75–78.

31.  Davidson and Goodwin, “Unique Agricultural Colony,” pp. 82–84; Singer, p. 537; Cahan, Education, pp. 341–42; Yarmolinsky, pp. v, 126, 133.

32.  Yarmolinsky, pp. 105, 140.

33.  United States Statutes at Large, XII (1862), 392. See also DAH, III, 41 ff. On Wise’s Beersheba scheme, see American Israelite, June 30,1882, reprinted along with much more Beersheba material in “A Colony in Kansas—1882,” AJA, XVII (1965), 114–39; L. G. Feld, “New Light on the Lost Jewish Colony of Beersheba, Kansas, 1882–1886,” AJHQ, LX (1970–71), 159–68.

34.  Davidson and Goodwin, “Epic of the Prairies,” Detroit Jewish Chronicle, January 29, 1932.

35.  Davidson and Goodwin, “Epic of the Prairies.” See also Bernard Postal and Lionel Koppman, Jewish Tourist’s Guide to the U.S., p. 582.

36.  Singer, p. 441; Menes, pp. 172–73; Geffen, p. 375; J. M. Isler, Rueckkehr der Juden zur Landwirtschaft, chap. VI (“Die Juden in der Landwirtschaft der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika”). Isler emphasizes the last factor, that of natural disaster, as being chiefly responsible for the death of the experiment. On p. 100, he states: “Neben der Kolonie [Crémieux] wurde noch eine andere in demselben Staate Bethlehem genannt, gegrundet diese wurde von einer Gruppe von 12 Emigranten auf Kommunistischer Basis geschaffen. Aber auch diese Kolonien erfreuten sich nicht eines langen Bestehens. Schon nach zwei Jahren wurden sie durch die klimatischen Verhältnisse (Trockenheit, Hessiche Fliege), um ihre ganze Ernte gebracht. Ein Teil der Siedler wurde entmutigt, und verliess die Kolonie; nur wenige von ihnen verblieben. Aber als im nächsten Jahre, wiederum die Ernte durch Hagel geschaedigtwurde, wanderte auch der Rest ab; die Kolonien wurden im Jahre 1885 aufgelöst.”

37.  Davidson and Goodwin, “An Arkansas Colonization Episode,” Jewish Tribune, July 12, 1929. On Davidson, manager of the Jewish Agricultural Society, see UJE, III, 448. The colony near the White River was not the first time Arkansas had been connected with the colonization movement. In the early 1870s, one Salomon Franklin, of Pine Bluff, had offered to sponsor a settlement of East European immigrant Jews in Arkansas: see AJA, VIII (1956), 70–71.

38.  Davidson and Goodwin, “Arkansas Colonization,” p. 2.

39.  Ibid., quoted on p. 2; Singer, pp. 320–22.

40.  Julius Schwarz, Report . . . on Russian Refugees at Cotopaxi. See also Dorothy Roberts, “The Jewish Colony at Cotopaxi,” Colorado Magazine, XVIII, No. 4 (July, 1941), 124–31. Roberts offers a listing of and some data on the thirteen families (pp. 125–26). Flora J. Satt’s master’s thesis, “The Cotopaxi Colony” (University of Colorado, 1950), supplies additional data on the settlers (pp. 14 ff., 31 ff., 42, 44, 46, 52 ff.) and also on Saltiel (pp. 7–12, 25, 36–37, 39–40). She identifies Schwarz as a Saltiel partner (pp. 36, 63) and contends: “Too little attention has been paid to the unfortunate role [of] the [Hebrew Emigrant Aid] Society’s erstwhile investigator, Julius Schwartz [sic], whose complicity with the motives of . . . Saltiel prevented an adequate forewarning of the problems ahead” (p. 59). Satt calls attention to the Jewish Messenger, July 21, 1882, for information on Schwarz, and cites the attack on Saltiel in the Denver Republican, February 7–13, 1883.

41.  Tuska in American Hebrew, October 4, 1882 (quoted in Singer, p. 496); Roberts, pp. 128–29. On Baar, see EJ, II, 388, and UJE, II, 5–6.

42.  Schwarz, quoted on p. 11; Tuska in American Hebrew, October 4, 1882 (quoted in Singer, pp. 494, 496). Saltiel claimed that Schwarz and Tuska were related: see American Hebrew, October 27, 1882 (quoted in Singer, p. 497).

43.  Pollak, p. 210.

44.  “The Russian Emigrants,” Jewish Messenger, December 22, 1882, p. 2.

45.  Ibid., January 5, 1883, p. 3.

46.  Ibid.

47.  Ibid., p. 2. See also Postal and Koppman, p. 72. Roberts, p. 124, identifies Saltiel as “the Portuguese-Jewish owner of a silver mine at Cotopaxi,” and says it was “through [his] efforts” that the Cotopaxi colony “was brought to Colorado.”

48.  Jewish Messenger, December 22, 1882, p. 2; Roberts, pp. 124–26; American Hebrew, October 4, 1882 (quoted in Singer, pp. 494–95).

49.  Saltiel in American Hebrew, October 27, 1882 (quoted in Singer, pp. 498, 504–5).

50.  Jewish Messenger, February 23, 1883, p. 2; Roberts, pp. 129–30.

51.  Jewish Messenger, February 23, 1883, p. 2; American Israelite, May 25, 1883.

52.  Pollak, p. 216. Heilprin, in particular, recognized the dangers of charity, as the following passage shows: “Jewish charity has always justly been praised—perhaps slightly beyond its merits. . . . It is constantly doing a great deal of good. But it is also productive of evil consequences. It has fostered a habit of relying upon individuals and congregational institutions, and in proportion weakened the instincts of manliness, self-reliance, and honor . . . . Jewish institutions ought to be founded on the principle of aiding those who aid themselves . . . not by gifts and distributions but by affording means for enlarging the scope of honorable efforts and the field of manly energy.” See also Cowen, p. 100.

53.  Davidson, “The Palestine Colony in Michigan: An Adventure in Colonization,” PAJHS, XXIX (1925), 61–74. Zionism, it is certain, was not remote from the minds of a good many who involved themselves in American Jewish agricultural colonization efforts. Herman Rosenthal, for example, wrote in 1892 of the agricultural designs being pursued at Mishmar-Hayarden and elsewhere in Ottoman Palestine: “. . . a small number of our brothers have settled in Eretz Yisrael. They have established colonies [to] work the land, and . . . it goes well for them . . . we hope that they will become [a] great people, and that here will be the center of the people Israel.” See Rosenthal’s Yudisher Farmer, Vol. 1, No. 6 (April, 1892), pp. 1–2 (reprinted with an English translation in Lloyd P. Gartner [ed.], Michael, Vol. III, pp. 71–73, 83–85).

54.  Davidson, “Palestine Colony,” p. 62.

55.  Ibid., p. 61. See also A. James Rudin, “Bad Axe, Michigan: An Experiment in Jewish Agricultural Settlement,” Michigan History (Summer, 1972).

56.  Davidson, “Palestine Colony,” p. 64. On Butzel, see EJ, IV, 1541.

57.  Joseph, Hirsch Fund, p. 22. On Baron de Hirsch, see EJ, VIII, 505–7; American Jewish Year Book, 5686, pp. 189 ff. See also Myer S. Isaacs, “The Baron de Hirsch Fund,” American Jews Annual (1892–93), pp. 81 ff.

58.  Davidson, “Palestine Colony,” p. 67. On Schiff, see American Jewish Year Book, 5682, pp. 21 ff.; EJ, XIV, 960–62.

59.  Davidson, “Palestine Colony,” p. 72.

60.  Singer, pp. 634–40. On the panic of 1893, see Nevins and Commager, p. 347; Morris, EAH (New York: Harper, 1953), p. 263. On agricultural stabilization after 1900, see ibid., p. 482.

61.  Milton Reizenstein, “Agricultural Colonies in the United States,” JE, I, 259. This article records the effort, but advances no explanation for its failure. On Painted Woods, see also Plaut, pp. 96–106, and Lois F. Schwartz, “Early Agricultural Colonies in North Dakota,” North Dakota History, XXXII, No. 4 (October, 1965), 222–24. For Rabbi Wechsler’s account of the Painted Woods effort, which he was certain would “elevate [the] manhood and womanhood” of the immigrant colonists, see AJA, VIII (1956), 106–9.

62.  Isler, p. 102: “Ein Teil (von Burleigh County, N. Dakota) der Siedler ging weiter nach Norden, wo sie Iola-Siedlung gegruendet haben, welche heute zu den aeltesten landwirtschaftlichen Siedlungen in Nordwest gehört.”

63.  Quoted in Cowen, pp. 100–1. On Ben Zion Greenberg, see L. F. Schwartz, p. 225. Schwartz says that Greenberg lived his life out in Ramsey County. On the HIAS, see American Jewish Year Book, 5675, p. 285.

64.  Cooley, “Clarion, Utah,” pp. 114–31; Reizenstein, p. 259; Arnold Shankman, “Happyville, The Forgotten Colony,” AJA, XXX (1978), 3–19. Singer discusses in considerable detail a very sizable number of these colonization attempts throughout the United States. Of particular value are the maps he provides after p. ix of his essay.

Chapter 3

  1.  An extensive literature exists about the South Jersey colonies. See William Stainsby, The Jewish Colonies of South Jersey; Boris Bogen, Jewish Philanthropy, chap. IX (“The Back-to-the-Soil Movement”); Jacob Lipman, “Rural Settlements in the Eastern States,” in Charles Bernheimer (ed.), The Russian Jew in the United States, pp. 375–92; A. R. Levy, “The Jew as a Tiller of American Soil,” American Hebrew, LXXVII (November 24, 1905), 849–64; Moses Klein, Migdal Zophim; Yoval: A Symposium upon the First Fifty Years of the Jewish Farming Colonies of . . . New Jersey; Joshua O. Haberman, “The Jews in New Jersey: A Historical Sketch.” Brandes, Immigrants to Freedom, is deserving of special notice.

  2.  L. Robinson, p. 16. Among the accounts of the colony, a useful one was published by J. C. Reis, “History of the Alliance,” The Menorah, XL (1906–7), 167–73. Reis resided in neighboring Norma for a number of years. His description is based on the eye-witness reports of three original settlers as well as upon his own personal observations. See also Brandes, p. 244.

  3.  Stainsby, p. 7.

  4.  Ibid., p. 4. Stainsby, writing in 1901, stated the terms of the contracts as they existed after 1884. This accounts for the seeming discrepancy that the holders of the six farms (mentioned below) should have received less favorable terms than the holders of the original sixty-six.

  5.  Reis, p. 169; Geffen, p. 362. On Mansion House, see JE, VIII, 296–97.

  6.  See Rosenthal’s short-lived monthly Der Yudisher Farmer (New York), I, No. 2 (December, 1891), 9. The Yiddish text, plus my translation, appears in Lloyd P. Gartner, pp. 67, 80.

  7.  Sidney (Shneur) Bailey, “The First Fifty Years,” Yoval, p. 12.

  8.  For a description of the Association of Jewish Immigrants and its work, see Henry S. Morais, Jews of Philadelphia, pp. 131–35.

  9.  PAJHS, XL (1950–51), 276; Geffen, pp. 361–62.

10.  Bailey, p. 9; American Jewish Year Book, 5673, p. 64.

11.  Bailey, p. 14.

12.  Goldstein, p. 15; Yudisher Farmer, I, No. 2 (December, 1891), p. 9, reprinted in Gartner, pp. 67, 80; American Israelite, March 15, 1894. Solomon’s article “Alliance: The First Successful Jewish Colony in America” appeared in The Menorah, V (July–December, 1888), 178–87. Solomons later became director of the Baron de Hirsch Fund’s American activities and also served the AIU as its treasurer for the United States: see JE, XI, 459.

13.  Solon J. Buck, Agrarian Crusade, p. 104; Morris, EAH (1961), p. 263; DAH, I, 159.

14.  George, Social Problems, p. 220.

15.  Buck, Agrarian Crusade, p. 107; American Israelite, June 17, 1897.

16.  Joseph, Hirsch Fund, pp. 15, 16.

17.  Reis, p. 173.

18.  Stainsby, p. 7. On Stainsby, see Brandes, p. 78.

19.  Reis, p. 173. These figures were compiled by Reis in an unofficial capacity.

20.  Stainsby, p. 23.

21.  Bailey, p. 16.

22.  Ibid., p. 18. On Maurice Fels, see American Jewish Year Book, 5673, pp. 84–85, and The Menorah, March, 1900, pp. 145–48. On Mounier, see L. Mounier, Auto-Biographical Sketch, pp. 8–9,14, 24, 32, 42–43, 53, 55–56; Mounier, “Retrospect,” Yoval, pp. 28–29. Brandes mentions Mounier several times. This non-Jewish agnostic lectured at the South Jersey colonies “on all kinds of subjects, except religion,” designed the synagogue in Carmel, and expressed himself as in favor of a Judaism “freed of all its cumbersome, obsolete ritualistic superstitions” (Sketch, pp. 8–9, 14).

23.  Brandes, pp. 145 ff.

24.  Bailey, p. 20. It is worth noting how even in the years after World War I there was a tendency among urban Jews to look somewhat askance at the successful South Jersey colonists. Rabbi Bernard Louis Levinthal, of Philadelphia, for example, thought it remarkable that his friend and fellow-rabbi Judah Moses Bayuk had forsaken “his ability to take his position in the world of civilization, and earthly pleasures, and [gone] to live on a farm in the wilderness of New Jersey.” Another Philadelphia rabbi, Nachum Brenner, could not help “wondering why [Bayuk] a man with such profound learning . . . should have chosen to live in such [a] crude and insignificant little place like Alliance, N.J.,” where he was deprived “of the advantages of mingling with his class.” See the English-language haskamot, or endorsements, at the end of Bayuk’s Imré Torat Moshe (New York, 1921). The same haskamot appear at the end of other Bayuk works, including his Or Torat Moshe (New York, 1921).

25.  Joseph, Hirsch Fund, p. 89: “Clearly, the industrial progress of Woodbine was far outstripping the agricultural progress of the rural settlement. In this respect the ideal of the founders was not being fulfilled; for instead of a farming community with the village as an adjunct, Woodbine was developing into an industrial town with a few outlying farms.” See also Bernheimer, p. 379.

26.  Joseph, Hirsch Fund, p. 11. There are two recent biographies of Baron de Hirsch worth consulting: Kurt Grunwald, Tuerkenhirsch: A Study of Baron Maurice de Hirsch, Entrepreneur and Philanthropist (Jerusalem: Israel Program for Scientific Translations, 1966), and Samuel J. Lee, Moses of the New World: The Work of Baron de Hirsch (New York: Thomas Yoseloff, 1970).

27.  Maurice de Hirsch, “Refuge for Russian Jews,” Forum, XI (August, 1891), 627. See also Szajkowski, “European Attitude,” PAJHS, XLI (1951), 129, 136.

28.  Joseph, Hirsch Fund, pp. 13–15.

29.  Ibid., Appendix B, “Deed of Trust,” pp. 279–80.

30.  On the Jewish Agricultural and Industrial Aid Society, see American Jewish Yearbook, 5663, pp. 111 ff. On the Jewish Agricultural Society, see American Jewish Yearbook, 5684, pp. 270–71.

31.  Stainsby’s account of the founding of Woodbine differs. On p. 20 of his text, he says: “It was originally designed for a purely agricultural colony, no manufacturing being contemplated, but as the school and other farms became productive, and the farm sought to dispose of the surplus of the products above their family needs, the fact was recognized that where a battalion of producers was created, it was absolutely essential that there should also be a bridge or division of consumers. This condition of affairs was promptly seen and was immediately provided for.”

               Joseph, Hirsch Fund, asserts in his passage on “Industrial Beginnings” in Woodbine (p. 61) that “there was no clear-cut statement of aims [in establishing industry]. It was thought [in the beginning] industry might serve to divert immigrants from the cities,” and therefore, the Committee on Homes, whose object was to diminish urban congestion, diverted $10,000 to the Committee on Agricultural Industrial Settlements. “Soon after the ‘Trouble,’ [Sabsovich] emphasized the necessity of building up industry . . . for the sake of its influence on agriculture on the ground that the town population would create a market for the farm produce and agriculture and industry would thus support each other.”

               On the role of Rosenthal, Kaplan, and Sabsovich, see Yudisher Farmer, I, No. 1 (November, 1891), p. 5, reprinted in Gartner, pp. 62, 75. Boris Bogen, Born a Jew, pp. 63–64, recalled Sabsovich as “a flaming spirit . . . no cloistered scientist, content among test tubes.” He was “a sort of prophet” eager “to impart a portion of his spirit to the Ghetto.” Bogen characterized Kaplan as “a warm-hearted, kindly fanatic who carried a dream of settling Jews upon the soil.”

32.  On Vineland, see American Israelite, May 25, 1883; Singer, pp. 297–99. Goldhaft also offers material on Vineland.

33.  The friendliness of the local population may have been somewhat overstated: see Brandes, pp. 181–82.

34.  On Sabsovich, see American Jewish Yearbook, 5665, pp. 178–79. For an interesting, if frankly biased, biography of Professor Sabsovich, see Katherine Sabsovich, Adventures in Idealism: A Personal Record of the Life of Professor Sabsovich. See also Boris Bogen, Jewish Philanthropy, pp. 130–31.

35.  Joseph, Hirsch Fund, p. 51.

36.  Leslie’s Weekly, April 7, 1892 (quoted in Singer, p. 303, and in Joseph, Hirsch Fund, pp. 50–51); M. G. Landsberg, History of the Persecution of the Jews in Russia, quoted on p. 7a.

37.  Landsberg, pp. 6a-7a; American Israelite, February 2, 1893. The anti-clerical playwright Jacob Gordin reportedly thought at one point of settling with a group of his followers at Woodbine, but the existence of a synagogue there disturbed him. “His group must live separately, and . . . not one of them could attend the synagogue.” Sabsovich “immediately cooled off” (see Ezekiel Lifschutz, “Jacob Gordin’s Proposal to Establish an Agricultural Colony,” AJHQ, LVI [1966–67], 161).

38.  Joseph, Hirsch Fund, p. 51, quoting Frances B. Lee, “The Hirsch Colony at Woodbine,” American Hebrew, August 25, 1893, pp. 530–32.

39.  The Myer Jonasson Cloak Factory established in April 1892. See Goldstein, p. 21; Joseph, Hirsch Fund, pp. 51–52, 62–63.

40.  Joseph, Hirsch Fund, p. 52.

41.  Bogen, Born a Jew, p. 70.

42.  Ibid., pp. 52–53. See Brandes, pp. 117–21.

43.  Brandes, p. 117; Joseph, Hirsch Fund, pp. 53–54, quoting New York Press, April 2, 1893.

44.  Joseph, Hirsch Fund, pp. 55–56.

45.  Ibid., p. 55.

46.  Ibid., quoted on p. 56. On Isaacs, see American Jewish Yearbook, 5667, pp. 19 ff.

47.  Joseph, Hirsch Fund, quoted on p. 56. This opinion is similar to the one held by Heilprin.

48.  Goldstein, pp. 22–23.

49.  Joseph, Hirsch Fund, pp. 61–66.

50.  American Israelite, July 8, 1897 (quoted in Singer, pp. 309–10).

51.  Stainsby, pp. 11–19.

52.  Joseph, Hirsch Fund, pp. 66–76; Bogen, Jewish Philanthropy, pp. 133–34.

53.  Joseph, Hirsch Fund, p. 66.

54.  Stainsby, p. 20.

55.  Ibid., p. 23.

56.  Brandes, pp. 235, 256–58; Bogen, Born a Jew, pp. 66–68.

57.  Levy, p. 856.

58.  Ibid., p. 856. Even so, Goldstein, pp. 60, 69, had to concede in 1921 that “younger Jews . . . because they see the apparent drudgery of farm life and no very bright prospects, have little if any inclination to remain on the farms”; there were “fundamental defects,” a want of community spirit and civic pride, inadequate educational and social facilities, inefficient and unscientific agricultural methods, etc., which impelled “particularly the younger element of the settlements [to] leave the farm and go to the city.” Goldstein recognized, to be sure, that “the problem of the Jewish farmer [was] but a part of the larger problem embracing farming in general throughout the country” (p. 59).

               See also Louis J. Swichkow, “The Jewish Agricultural Colony of Arpin, Wisconsin,” AJHQ, LIV (1964–65), 91: “For the boy and girl reaching manhood and womanhood, [farming] meant no pursuing of the arts, no chance to meet a mate, no future! So the children left for the cities—and the parents followed, one by one.”

59.  Levy, p. 860.

60.  Goldstein, p. 69.

61.  Bernard A. Palitz, “The Borough of Woodbine,” ca. 1907 (Typescript, American Jewish Archives, Box 2112). See also Bogen, Born a Jew, p. 66, where Palitz is characterized as “a man oppressed by the world-wide tragedy of his people and looking for light in the darkness.” See also Brandes, p. 44.

Chapter 4

  1.  The passages quoted from Spurgeon and the Edinburgh Review are found in Montagu F. Modder, The Jew in the Literature of England, pp. 252–53. Fear of overcrowding the cities was made evident by the leaders of the Jewish community when first confronted with the problem of mass migration to the United States. See Cowen, chap. V (“The American Hebrew and the Jewish Community”); also Szajkowski, “The Attitude of American Jews to East European Jewish Immigration (1881–1893),” PAJHS, XL (1950–51), 235–41. See also Joseph, Hirsch Fund, pp. 184–210, for a detailed description of the work of the Industrial Removal Office of the Jewish Agricultural Society and the work of the leaders of the “Galveston Movement.” On the “Galveston Plan,” see EJ, VII, 294–95.

  2.  Letter from Gabriel Davidson, Managing Director, Jewish Agricultural Society, May 10, 1943: “No census [of Jewish farmers] was ever taken, and therefore the figures are simply estimates. There are no figures until 1900, but a record made at about that time of the Jewish farms in Connecticut and New Jersey disclosed 216 families, probably somewhat over 1000 souls. There is no knowledge of how many Jewish farmers there were in other parts of the country at that time.”

  3.  That a certain measure of Selbsthass was evident among both immigrant Jews and already well established American (or, for that matter, West European) Jews is incontestable. The Yiddish dramatist Jacob Gordin, for instance, in the early 1880s—he had not yet quit Russia for the United States—argued: “It is our love for money, our arrogance, our usury, innkeeping and the middleman occupations and all the other dishonest deeds that enrage the Russian population against us [Jews]” (Lifschutz, p. 154). In fact, however, the “ultimate cause” of anti-Semitism was not the Jew or anything he did or left undone; it was the changing socio-economic structure of the larger non-Jewish society, primarily, in the period with which we are dealing here, the change from agrarianism to industrialism and the fears of those whose domination of the old agrarian society was now facing a serious challenge. See Ellis Rivkin, “A Decisive Pattern in American Jewish History,” Essays in American Jewish History, pp. 38–39; Oscar Handlin, “American Views of the Jew at the Opening of the Twentieth Century,” PAJHS, XL (1950–51), 340 ff.; S. F. Chyet, “Ludwig Lewisohn: The Years of Becoming,” AJA, XI (1959), 135–36; Barbara M. Solomon, Ancestors and Immigrants: A Changing New England Tradition, p. 39; Modder, pp. 254 ff., 302 ff.

  4.  Interesting data about an abortive Jewish colony in Western Kansas, Beersheba, are available: see “A Colony in Kansas—1882,” AJA, XVII (1965), 114 ff.

  5.  Julius Goldman, Report on Colonization of Russian Refugees in the West, p. 23.

  6.  How this concentration of power was made possible is shown by a brief description of the organization of the Mormon Church. The church was based upon the Old Testament idea of priesthood, the priest serving as God’s lieutenant on earth and hence endowed with complete authority. Actually there were two sets of priests. The Aaronic priesthood dealt mainly with temporal affairs such as the collection of tithes, general care of properties, and distribution of charities. The second set of priests, superior to the first, was the Melchizedek order, made up of three high priests, one of whom was the bishop, the other two counsellors. Together, the three made up the general presidency which regulated spiritual affairs and supervised temporal affairs. This controlling body was also self-perpetuating. To this higher hierarchy belonged Brigham Young.

              Another factor in the success of Mormon colonization was Young’s skillful planning and meticulous attention to detail, as shown in the following passages from an “Epistle of the 12 to the [Mormon] Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints in England, Scotland, Ireland, Wales, and the Isle of Man,” quoted in Daniel P. Kidder, Mormonism and the Mormons, p. 200:

                      It will be necessary in the first place for men of capital to go on first and make large purchases of land, and erect mills, machinery, manufactories, etc., so that the poor who go from this country may find employment. Therefore, it is not for the poor to flock to that place extensively, until the necessary preparations are made. Neither is it wisdom for those who feel a spirit of benevolence to expend all their means in helping others to emigrate and thus arrive in a new country empty handed. In all settlements there must be capital and labour united in order to flourish. The brethren will recollect that they are not going to build cities and inhabit them. Building cities cannot be done without means and labour. . . . Sovereigns are more profitable than silver or any other money, in emigrating to America; and the brethren are also cautioned against the American money when they arrive in that country. Let them not venture to take paper money of that country until they become well informed in regard to the different banks.

                      It is much cheaper going to New-Orleans than by New York. But it will never do for emigrants to go by New-Orleans in the summer, on account of the heat and sickness of the climate. It is therefore advisable for the saints to emigrate in autumn, winter or spring.


       See also Morris Robert Werner, Brigham Young. Young’s penchant for detailed planning is reminiscent of Theodor Herzl’s Zionist advocacy in his Judenstaat (1896).

  7.  Ernest Ludlow Bogart, Economic History of the American People, Part III (“Industrialization, 1860–1914”). On Amish, see DAH, I, 68. On Hutterites, DAH, I, 440–41, and J. W. Smith and A. L. Jamison, editors, The Shaping of American Religion, 1,192, 209. On Moravians, see DAH, IV, 22, and J. W. Smith and A. L. Jamison, pp. 25, 53, 192, 454. On the socio-economic struggle of changing from a primarily agrarian to a primarily industrial society in America, see Morris, EAH, pp. 257, 262 ff.; John Higham, “Anti-Semitism in the Gilded Age,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XLIII (1957), 562, 572; Davis Rich Dewey, Financial History of the United States; John R. Commons et al., History of Labour in the United States; A. H. Sanford, The Story of Agriculture in the United States; Nathan Fine, Labor and Farmer Parties in the United States 1828–1928.

  8.  Best typified by the experiences, respectively, in the Louisiana and Arkansas colonization attempts. On Amana, see DAH, I, 53–54; J. W. Smith and A. L. Jamison, I, 192, 209.

  9.  Arthur Ruppin, Jews in the Modern World, p. 172. See also J. R. Marcus, Studies in American Jewish History, pp. 10–11.

10.  Buck, Agrarian Crusade, p. 99.

11.  Ibid. See also Buck, The Granger Movement; John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt; Sanford, Agriculture; Fine, Labor; Frederick L. Paxson, History of the American Frontier; B. H. Hibbard, A History of the Public Land Policies.

12.  Bogart, Economic History; Victor S. Clark, History of Manufactures in the United States, II; Burton Hendrick, The Age of Big Business; National Industrial Conference Board, A Graphic History and Analysis of the Census of Manufacturing, 1849–1919; Walett, p. 145; Morris, EAH (1953), p. 442. In 1790, there were ten times more farmers than city dwellers; in 1890, three times as many city dwellers as farmers: see Buck, Agrarian Crusade, p. 99.

13.  Morris, EAH (1953), p. 442.

14.  Letter from Davidson: Since 1933 “we have helped 423 refugee families directly and probably another hundred families have established themselves through contacts made with refugees who had been settled through our direct instrumentality.”

15.  Stainsby, p. 23. As late as the mid-1930s, farming, at least on a part-time basis, in a sort of latter-day shtetl in America still had its appeal: see Edwin Rosskam, Roosevelt, New Jersey.

16.  Letter from Davidson: “Our estimates now are between 80,000 and 100,000 individuals engaged in whole, or in part, in farming.”

17.  Ruppin, “Agricultural Achievements in Palestine,” Contemporary Jewish Record, V, no. 3 (June, 1942), 280; Goldstein, p. 69.

18.  Ruppin, “Agricultural Achievements,” pp. 269–71; Dan Giladi, “The Agronomic Development of the Old Colonies in Palestine (1882–1914),” in Moshe Maoz, ed., Studies on Palestine During the Ottoman Period, pp. 176–79. On Edmond de Rothschild, see EJ, XIV, 342–46. On the Lovers of Zion (Hibbat Zion) movement, see EJ, VIII, 463. On the development of Rothschild’s colonies in Palestine, see Walter Laqueur, A History of Zionism. On the cruelties involved in the development of capitalism and industrialism in Eastern Europe, no one has painted a more vivid picture than the novelist Israel Joshua Singer in his Brothers Ashkenazi.

19.  David Farhi, “Documents on the Attitude of the Ottoman Government towards the Jewish Settlement in Palestine . . . ,” in Maoz, pp. 191, 196, 204 ff.; Ben Halpern, The Idea of the Jewish State, pp. 121 ff.

20.  Ruppin, Jews in the Modern World, pp. 374–77: “Achievements in Palestinian Industry and Agriculture.” On Arthur Balfour and the Balfour Declaration, see EJ, IV, 130–35. On the British Mandate, see EJ, XI, 861–63. On Jewish agricultural enterprise in Palestine, see Amos Elon, The Israelis: Founders and Sons, pp. 92–95, 111–12; Laqueur, pp. 75 ff.; Ludwig Lewisohn, Israel, pp. 157 ff.

21.  Ruppin, Jews in the Modern World, p. 368. See also Giladi, “Agronomic Development,” in Maoz, pp. 175 ff.

22.  Ruppin, “Agricultural Achievements,” p. 280.

23.  Letter from Davidson.

24.  Giladi, “Agronomic Development,” in Maoz, p. 176; Frank E. Manuel, Realities of American-Palestine Relations, pp. 265–66, is critical of American Zionists on this score: “Only the old Zionist experts such as Ruppin knew in detail the real problems of land settlement in Palestine.” The people who looked to Louis Brandeis for leadership “would neglect the Kibutz (sic), that unique form of cooperative labor on the land, and concentrate almost completely on settlers with individual means. They had no feeling for the idealism of the pioneers.”

25.  Gloria Deutsch observes: “Critics of the movement . . . can be heard to sneer that today kibbutzniks are just like anyone else, out to make money, competitive, concerned only for themselves.” See ‘The Kibbutz—A Tarnished Dream,” in Jewish Chronicle (London), May 19, 1978, p. 21.

26.  Ruppin, “Agricultural Achievements,” p. 271. On the World Zionist Organization, see EJ, XVI, 1096 ff.

27.  Ruppin, “Agricultural Achievements,” pp. 271–72. On the Agricultural Experiment Station, see UJE, I, 120–21. On the Jewish Agency, see EJ, X, 26–35. On the General Federation of Jewish Labor, the Histadrut, see EJ, VIII, 534–41. On the Mizrachi (Religious) labor movement, see EJ, VII, 1320–23.

28.  Ruppin, “Agricultural Achievements,” p. 272; Allon Gal, Socialist-Zionism, pp. 167, 216; EJ, X, 965, 967. Even among Israelis whose training is exclusively industrial and technological, the cooperative spirit appears not to be moribund. As recently as the spring of 1976, a group of Israelis employed in the country’s defense industries was heard to declare its intention of organizing in the Galilee, i.e., in territory which was included in Israel before June, 1967, a community (kehillah) devoted to intensive social concern and principles of mutual aid (Ha-Aretz, April 26, 1976, p. 20).

29.  Isaac Deutscher, Heretics and Renegades and Other Essays (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1969), pp. 10–11.

Appendix 1

  1.  On Isaacs (1841–1904), see UJE, V, 594. On Schiff (1847–1920), see EJ, XIV, 960–62. On Goldman, see Jacob H. Schiff and Felix Warburg papers, American Jewish Archives, Cincinnati; Wiernik, pp. 289, 412. On Straus (1850–1926), see EJ, XV, 432–33. On Seligman (1827–1894), see Who Was Who in America: Historical Volume, p. 474. On Rice (1835–1914), see American Jewish Year Book, 5666, p. 96; Who Was Who in America, I, 1026. On Hoffman, see Joseph, Hirsch Fund, pp. 14–15. On Sulzberger (1843–1923), see American Jewish Year Book, 5677, pp. 68–75. On Hackenburg (1837–1918), see American Jewish Year Book, 5666, pp. 65–66; EJ, VII 1037–38. On Baron de Hirsch (1831–1896), see Grunwald, Tuerkenhirsch; Lee, Moses of the New World; EJ, VIII, 505–7; and Avni, Argentina, pp. 19–34.

  2.  On Heilprin (1823–1888), see Pollak, Heilprin and Sons; DAB, VII, 502–3. On Rosenthal (1843–1917), see JE, X, 478–79; Eisenstein, Otsar Zichronotai, Part I, p. 280; and EJ, XIV, 293. On Kaplan, see Cahan, Education, pp. 425 et passim; EJ, II, 862. On Sabsovich (1861–1915), see American Jewish Year Book, 5665, pp. 178–79; Katherine Sabsovich, Adventures in Idealism.

  3.  See Eisenstein, pp. 273–74.

  4.  On Eppinger, Gershel, Sternberg, Mendel, and Henry, see Brandes, Immigrants to Freedom, pp. 56, 82, 84, 212, 302. On Sternberg, see also Eisenstein, p. 274. On Lewisohn (1847–1902), see EJ, XI, 177. On Montagu (1832–1911), see EJ, XII, 264. On Cohen, see EJ, X, 44. On Asher (1837–1889), see JE, II, 180–81.

  5.  Eisenstein, p. 279, designates Woodbine as “more important and of greater value than all the colonies founded by Russian émigrés in America.” Eisenstein, writing in 1929, goes on to say (p. 284): “Of the first colonies founded after the pogroms of 1881, none lasted but Alliance, Rosenhayn, and Carmel, and they are only colonies of workers employed in the garment industry, except for the Alliance colony, which is to some degree an agricultural colony.” Of the colonies founded under auspices such as those of the Baron de Hirsch Fund, Woodbine alone remained, but “has yet to achieve the distinction [of becoming] a colony of genuine farmers.”

Appendix 2

  1.  See Von Humboldt’s essay “On the Historian’s Task” (1826), in G. G. Iggers and K. von Moltke, eds., The Theory and Practice of History: Leopold von Ranke (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1973), pp. 5 ff.

  2.  On Weinreich (1894–1969), see EJ, XVI, 404–5.

  3.  Bailey is referring here to Zalman Epstein (1860–1936), a notable Hebrew essayist, critic, and Hibbat Zion leader, and his brother Isaac Epstein (1862–1943), also notable as a Hebrew writer, linguist, and educator. On the Epstein brothers, see EJ, VI, 826–27, 836–37.

  4.  Nahum Slouschz (1871–1966) was a Lithuanian-born scholar and Zionist leader. In 1909, Henrietta Szold published an English translation of his Renascence of Hebrew Literature (1902). See EJ, XIV, 1677–78.

  5.  On Ravnitzky (1859–1944), see EJ, XIII, 1588–89.

  6.  On Lilienblum (1843–1910), see EJ, XI, 240–42; “Rebel and Penitent: Moses Leib Lilienblum,” in Lucy S. Dawidowicz, Golden Tradition, pp. 119–32. His acronym was variously “Moshel” and “Malal” in Bailey’s memoir, though the translator, hoping to avoid confusion, has preferred “Moshel.”

  7.  Shmuel Hurwitz (1862–1943), the Yiddish journalist and folklorist, used the nom de plume “A. Litvin.” See EJ, XI, 405.

  8.  Bailey means Eliezer Zweifel (1815–1888), who wrote sympathetically of Hassidism. His multi-volume Shalom al Yisrael appeared 1868–73. See EJ, XVI, 1245–46.

  9.  On Slonimsky (1810–1904), see EJ, XIV, 1674–75. Ha-Zefirah (“The Dawn”), the Hebrew weekly he founded at Warsaw in 1862, was initially less a newspaper than a scientific-technological journal, though later Slonimsky published articles on literature and politics as well as reports from abroad. On Ha-Zefirah, see EJ, VII, 1529–30; also Sanford Ragins, “The Image of America in Two East European Hebrew Periodicals [Ha-Zefirah and Ha-Melitz],” AJA, XVII (1965), 143 ff. Slonimsky’s grandson Henry Slonimsky (1884–1970) was a notable American philosopher and academician.

10.  On Sholem Aleichem ( Sholem Rabinowitz, 1859–1916), see EJ, XIV, 1272–86.

11.  Freeman, born in 1859, published in 1929 and 1934 his two-volume Fuftzig Yor Geshichte fun Idishen Leben in Philadelphia, a fifty-year history of Jewish life in Philadelphia.

12.  Lydia Rabinovitz-Kempner (1871–1935), born in Kovno, Lithuania, had no connection with the Pasteur Institute in Paris, but worked with the celebrated Robert Koch (1843–1910) at his Institute for Infectious Diseases in Berlin, married Koch’s assistant Dr. Walter Kempner, and in 1920 became director of the bacteriological laboratory at the Berlin-Moabit City Hospital. See Wininger, Grosse Juedische National-Biographie, V, 120; VII, 387.

13.  On Abraham Dov (known as Adam Ha-Cohen) Lebensohn (1794–1878), see EJ, X, 1548–49.

14.  Throughout Bailey’s memoir, the Am Olam group is often referred to as “The Brotherhood.” On the Am Olam, see A. Menes in J. A. Fishman, Studies in Modern Jewish Social History.

15.  By “Bestuzhevka,” Bailey means a disciple of Konstantin Nikolaevitch Bestuzhev-Riumin (1829–1897), a liberal historian at the University of St. Petersburg and the founder of “free courses” for girls in St. Petersburg, where Jews were permitted as denizens. From 1878–81, he was director of the Higher School for Women. On Bestuzhev-Riumin’s work, see EB, XXIII, 919. Moni Bakal (Bakl, Bokal)—Cahan, Education, calls him Michael—was deemed by Cahan “one of the most important and . . . most interesting personalities of our [Am Olam] . . . group. . . . [We] all respected him because Bokal [was] free of egotism, honest, peaceful” (Education, pp. 245–46, 416).

16.  On Feldman (1860–1910), see Abraham Cronbach, “Autobiography,” AJA, XI (1959), 21–25, 38–39. See also Feldman’s essay “Intermarriage Historically Considered,” CCAR-YB, XIX (1909), 271–307.

17.  On Cahan (1860–1951), see EJ, V, 14–15; American Jewish Year Book, LIII (1952), 527–29. Cahan, Education, mentions Oleynikov (Aleinikoff) a number of times. Cahan’s editor, Leon Stein, identifies Oleynikov as the “first Russian-Jewish lawyer in New York’s Jewish quarter” (Education, p. 415). According to Wiernik, p. 287, Oleynikov, Paul Kaplan, and Spivakovsky participated in the ill-fated Jewish Alliance of America at Philadelphia in 1891.

18.  On Kohler (1843–1926), who in 1903 became president of the Hebrew Union College, see EJ, X, 1142–43. Actually, Kohler opposed circumcision only in the case of proselytes: see CCAR-YB, II (1891–92), 115–17; III (1892–93), 15–16; Kohler, Jewish Theology, p. 449.

19.  On Krauskopf (1858–1923), see CCAR—YB, XXXIII (1923), 155–56; American Jewish Year Book, 5685, pp. 420–47; EJ, X, 1246–47.

20.  On Heilprin (1823–1888), see the biography by Pollak; DAB, VIII, 502–3; Morais, Jews of Philadelphia, pp. 322–24; Morais, Eminent Israelites, p. 130. Heilprin was an unofficial co-editor of and contributor to Appleton’s Cyclopaedia, Appleton’s New American Cyclopaedia, and the Nation. On Kossuth (1802–1894), the Hungarian patriot and revolutionary leader, see EB, XV, 916–18.

21.  On Morais (1823–1897), see EJ, XII, 294–95.

22.  On Elisha ben Abuyah (early 2nd century C.E.), see EJ, VI, 668–70, and Avot 4:20.

23.  On Alexander Zederbaum (1816–1893), the pioneer of Jewish journalism in the Russian empire, see EJ, XVI, 964–65. Zederbaum (“EReZ”—“cedar”—he was called) became founder-editor of Yiddishes Folksblat in 1881.

24.  Acording to EJ, XIV, 1124, during the pogroms of 1881–82, at Balta in the Ukraine, “the teacher Eliezer Mashbir organized a self-defense unit largely made up of porters, coachmen, and apprentices, and even set up a form of . . . signaling with blasts of the shofar [“ram’s horn”].” See also Cahan, Education, pp. 204, 362; Davidson, Our Jewish Farmers, p. 220. A translation in typescript of Mashbir’s article “From Brody to New York,” published originally in a Russian periodical, is to be found under “Maschbir, Elieser” in the Biographies file, American Jewish Archives, Cincinnati.

25.  “Shomer” was the nom de plume of Nahum Meier Shaikewicz (1849–1906), the Yiddish novelist and playwright. See EJ, XIV, 1454.

26.  On Ilya Grigoryevitch Orshansky (1846–1875), a notable journalist, jurist, and historian, see EJ, XII, 1480–81.

27.  On Gordin (1853–1909), see EJ, VII, 787–89. Jacob Priluker, a teacher at a government-sponsored Jewish school in Odessa, sought to reconcile Judaism and Christianity through a new religious group to be known as “New Israel.” Gordin and Priluker are discussed in Dubnow, II, 334–35.

28.  On Akiba (ca. 50–ca. 132), see JE, I, 304–8.

29.  On Byelinsky (1811–1848), see EB, XXIII, 918; WBD, p. 128. On the sociologist and populist leader Mikhailovski (1842–1904), see EB (Chicago, 1973), XV, 436. On Dobroliubov (1836–1861), see WBD, p. 425. On Pisarev (1840–1868), the critic and nihilist, see EB (1973), XVII, 1109. On Draper (1811–1882), see DAB, V, 438–41, and WBD, pp. 438–39. Draper’s History of the Intellectual Development of Europe (1863) was translated into many languages.

30.  Aaron Porjes, born in 1848, published his Torat Ha-chaim at Vienna in 1879.

31.  On Bialik (1873–1934), see EJ, IV, 795–803. On Ahad Ha-Am ( Asher Hirsch Ginsberg, 1856–1927), see EJ, II, 440–48. On Mendele Mokher Seforim ( Sholom Jacob Abramowitsch, 1835–1917), see EJ, XI, 1317–23.

32.  By “Shapiro,” Bailey must mean Hermann (Zvi Hirsh) Schapira (1840–1898), a well-known rabbi, journalist, mathematician, and academician: see EJ, XIV, 941–43. On Mill (1806–1873), see DNB, XIII, 390–99. Lavrov (1823–1900) was a leading Russian Populist philosopher: see WBD, p. 868.

33.  By “Lev Metchnikov,” Bailey must mean Ilya Ilich Metchnikoff (1845–1916), professor of zoology and anatomy at Odessa from 1870 to 1882, when he left Russia for Paris. He worked with Pasteur from 1888 on, became director of the Pasteur Institute in 1895, and was a Nobel Prize laureate in 1908: see WBD, p. 1013; Greenberg, I, 25 (n. 18).

34.  Is Bailey alluding here to the work of Nikolai Ignatievitch Bakst (1843–1904), the celebrated Russian Jewish physiologist who was an ardent champion of Jewish emancipation in Russia and an advocate of ORT, founded in 1880 for the purpose, among others, of “help[ing] the Jewish agricultural colonies, model farms, and agricultural schools” in the Russian empire? On Bakst, see UJE, II, 40; EJ, IV, 118–19; Greenberg, I, 177; on ORT, see EJ, XII, 1481–82. Bakst worked closely with Samuel Salomonovitch Poliakoff (1837–1888), the Russian Jewish industrialist who was a founder of the Jewish Agricultural Fund, the basis for ORT. On Poliakoff, see UJE, VIII, 580. Another luminary Bailey may have had in mind when he wrote his memoir some four decades later is Jean de Bloch ( Ivan Stanislavovitch Bloch, or Blioch, 1836–1901): see UJE, II, 399–400. Bloch, a Polish-born financier, was a Protestant convert and a pacifist; he retained a love of his Jewish ancestry and in 1901 published a voluminous work on the plight of Russian Jewry. See also Ragins, pp. 150–52.

35.  Mordecai Ben-Ami (1854–1932) was born Rabinowicz (identical with the Max Rabinovitz of Bailey’s text?). He was a writer, journalist, organizer of Jewish self-defense, and Zionist leader: see EJ, IV, 461–62.

36.  Israel Isser Katsovey (or Kasovich) (1859–1934) in later years became co-editor of the American Yiddish monthly Yiddisher Farmer; in 1924, he published his memoirs in a Yiddish volume whose foreword was written by the famed Yiddish playwright and novelist David Pinski (1872–1959). Kasovich’s memoir appeared in 1929 in an English translation, The Days of Our Years. See UJE, VI, 340. On Pinski, see EJ, XIII, 549–51. Chaim Spivakovsky (1861–1927), on settling in the United States, would become the notable physician Charles David Spivak: see U]E, X, 15; Marjorie Hornbein, “Dr. Charles Spivak of Denver: Physician, Social Worker, Yiddish Author,” Western States Jewish Historical Quarterly, XI (1979), 195–211; also n. 17, supra.

37.  Jacob Cohen Bernstein (1859–1929), Kishinev-born, was perhaps better known as Jacob Bernstein-Kogan. He was a Zionist leader and a physician: see EJ, IV, 691. He discusses his brother Lev—Lyuba, he calls him—in Sefer Bernstein-Kohen, pp. 79 ff., 92 ff. Lev was executed in 1889.

38.  By “Professor Mikhal Philipov,” Bailey means either Mikhail Avraamovitch Filippov (1828–1886) or Mikhail Mikhailovitch Filippov (1858–1903); the latter wrote on Jews in 1882.

39.  On Paul (Pavel) Kaplan, see EJ, II, 862; he is mentioned several times in Cahan, Education; see also n. 17, supra. Jacob Paisochovitz (Peisachovich) is described by Cahan as having “more than all others . . . exemplified in our [Am Olam] crowd the new awareness of Jewishness aroused by the Russian pogroms” (Education, pp. 266–67).

40.  “The Great Mar golis” is most probably Haim Margolis-Kalvariski (1868–1947), the distinguished Hibbat Zion leader and agriculturist: see EJ, XI, 968. On the Hibbat Zion (“Lovers of Zion”) movement, see Dawidowicz, pp. 52–53. See also the summary by Eli Shaltiel, “Zionism—Thought and Deed,” in Ha-Aretz, May 7, 1976, pp. 18–19, especially p. 19, where in reviewing David Vital’s The Origins of Zionism (1975) Shaltiel represents the “Lovers of Zion” as a movement of Jewish revolutionaries whose hopes for Jewish emancipation in Eastern Europe had been bitterly disappointed; the preparatory work accomplished by the “Lovers of Zion” was indispensable to the emergence of Herzlian political Zionism.

41.  On the Franco-Jewish philanthropist and agriculturist Netter (1828–1882), see JE, IX, 233–34.

42.  On the reception Am Olamites received in New York, see Kasovich, Days of Our Years, pp. 173–79.

43.  Meeker is probably Ohio-born Ezra Meeker (1830–1928), who pioneered in the Pacific Northwest (DAB, XII, 495–96); Nathan Cook Meeker (1817–1879), the agricultural editor of Horace Greeley’s New York Tribune and the founder of a colony in northeastern Colorado, died before the Am Olamites arrived from Europe (DAB, XII, 497–98; EB, XII, 533). On Rosenthal (1843–1917), see Gartner, pp. 59–61.

44.  George Seldes was the father of Alliance-born Gilbert Seldes (1893–?), a well-known journalist and writer.

45.  On the emergence of Hassidism and the bitter rivalry between the Hassidim and their opponents, the so-called Mitnagdim, see EJ, VII, 1390 ff.; Dawidowicz, pp. 14 ff. Israel ben Eliezer (the “Baal Shem Tov,” or Master of the Good Name), credited with the founding of the Hassidic movement, is presumed to have lived from about 1700 to 1760. Levi Yitzchok of Berditchev (1740–1809) was among the most notable Hassidic leaders.

46.  On Beizer ( Spivak), cantor in Belz, Bessarabia (Moldavia), and subsequently in Kishinev and Berditchev, see Wininger, V, 600. On Jakob Bachmann (1846–1905), the famous Kishinev-born cantor who sang in Odessa, Rostov, Berditchev, and Lwów, see Wininger, I, 214–15.

47.  On the Haskalah, see EJ, VII, 1434 ff., 1445–52; Dawidowicz, pp. 14 ff.; Greenberg, I, 22 ff., 52–53, 172,188.

48.  On the Austrian writer Franzos (1848–1904), see JE, V, 498–99; UJE, IV, 419.

49.  On Lermontov (1814–1841), see EB, XVI, 484.

50.  Bailey may be referring here to Fargo College, founded in 1887 at Fargo, North Dakota. See EB, XIX, 783.

51.  On Bailey’s eldest, Margaret Bailey Herman, see Brandes, p. 234.

52.  On Bayuk, who served as a judge in Alliance, see Eisenstadt, Sefer Dorot Ha-Achronim, Book 2. Brandes mentions him a number of times.

53.  On the poet Winchevsky ( Lippe Benzion Novchovitch, alias Leopold Benedict, 1856–1932), see DAB, XX, 379–80.

54.  On Mintz (1859–1930), see Wiernik, p. 396.

55.  On the Yiddish poet and journalist Daniel Charney (1888–1959), see EJ, V, 361.

56.  On the renowned Talmudist and Hebraist Chernovitz (Tchernovitz, 1871–1949), see EJ, XV, 883–84. On Feinberg (1887–1949), see EJ, V, 563; American Israelite (Cincinnati), February 24, 1949.

57.  On the journalist, novelist, and publisher Hubbard (1856–1915), see DAB, IX, 323–24. On the philosopher Carus (1852–1919), see DAB, III, 548–49.

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