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1. The full name is Bosnia-Herzegovina, but I will be using “Bosnia” throughout the text.

2. At my side in almost all my Balkan work was Valerie Gillen, a wise and energetic partner. She was assisted by the up-and-coming Sarah Gauger.


1. Robert Kaplan, Balkan Ghosts: A Journey through History (New York: Vintage, 1993), xxiii.

2. Arabic for the Muslim “grand mufti.”

3. Noel Malcolm, Bosnia: A Short History (New York: New York University Press, 1994), 166.

4. The classic work on losses in World War II is Vladimir Zerjavic, Population Losses in Yugoslavia 1941–1945 (Zagreb: Dom i Svijet, Hrvatski Institut za Povijest, 1997).

5. The 1974 Yugoslav constitution made Kosovo and Vojvodina autonomous provinces with the same status at the republics.

6. It is estimated that between thirty thousand and forty thousand people passed through Goli Otok before it was closed in 1989, though some estimates are as high as fifty thousand. See Stephane Courtois and Nicolas Werth, The Black Book of Communism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999).

7. See Susan L. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War (Washington: Brookings Institution, 1995), especially chapter 3.

8. Malcolm, Bosnia, 210.

9. For a thorough discussion of Yugoslavia’s post-Tito political chaos, see V. P. Gagnon Jr., The Myth of Ethnic War: Serbia and Croatia in the 1990s (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004).

10. For background on the role of the media during the wars of succession, see Mark Thompson, Forging War: The Media in Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Hercegovina (Luton, England: University of Luton Press, 1999).

11. Robert Niebuhr, “Death of the Yugoslav People’s Army and the Wars of Succession,” Polemos 7, nos. 1–2 (December 2004): 91–106.

12. Chuck Sudetic, “Cease-Fire Stills Gunfire in Croatia,” New York Times, 4 January 1992.

13. For an excellent (and concise) work on the Bosnian army, see Marko Attila Hoare, How Bosnia Armed (London: Saqi, 2004).

14. James Gow, The Serbian Project and Its Adversaries: A Strategy of War Crimes (London: C. Hurst, 2002).

15. Robert J. Donia, Sarajevo: A Biography (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2006), 334.

16. The agreement’s official name is the General Framework Agreement for Peace (GFAP).

SECTION 1. Officialdom

1. James J. Sadkovich, The U.S. Media and Yugoslavia, 1991–1995 (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1998), 112.

2. Mark Danner and David Gelber, “While America Watched: The Bosnia Tragedy,” Peter Jennings Reporting, ABC, 30 March 1994 (transcript available at

3. Ibid.

4. Ibid.

5. UN General Assembly, Report of the Secretary-General Pursuant to General Assembly Resolution 53/35: The Fall of Srebrenica, 15 November 1999 (

6. Danner and Gelber, “While America Watched.”

7. Quoted in UN General Assembly, Report of the Secretary-General, 18.

8. Tim Judah, The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), 75.

9. Lewis C. Mainzer, letter to the editor, New York Times, April 24, 1993.

10. The full text of the memorandum can be found at the Hrvatski Informativni Centar website,

11. Jonathan C. Randal. “Ahmici Massacre—Bosnian Turning Point,” Washington Post, 20 June 1993.

12. Drago Štambuk, “Rocky Soil.” Translated in Perihelion by Tom Butler (

13. Quoted in Russell Watson, “Ethnic Cleansing,” Newsweek, 17 August 1992.

14. William Safire, “The U.N. Entraps Clinton,” New York Times, 30 August 1993.

15. Christopher Ogden, Life of the Party: The Biography of Pamela Digby Churchill Hayward Harriman (Boston: Little, Brown, 1994), 9.

16. Ibid., 470.

17. Winston Churchill, speech to the House of Commons of the United Kingdom, 5 October 1938.

18. Roger Cohen, “2 Towns, Symbols of Serbian Killings, Snag Balkan Talks,” New York Times, 16 November 1995.

SECTION 2. Victims or Agents?

1. Medica Zenica was set up by Monika Hauser, a German gynecologist.

2. A summary (in English) of the history of Medica Zenica can be found at

3. Alexandra Stiglmayer, ed., Mass Rape: The War Against Women in Bosnia-Herzegovina (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994).

4. Roy Gutman, Foreword, in ibid., ix-xiii.

5. “Medica: Surviving the Violence,” Medica Zenica and Medica Mondiale Bulletin, January 1996.

6. James J. Sadkovich, The U.S. Media and Yugoslavia, 1991–1995 (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1998), 94.

7. Speech by Medica Zenica, founder Monika Hauser, in Bonn on 4 September 1995.

8. “Rape in Bosnia,” Balkan Repository Project, 17 February 1993.

9. Quoted in Roy Gutman, “Rape Camps: Evidence Serb Leaders in Bosnia OKd Attacks,” Newsday, 19 April 1993.

10. Human Rights Watch, “Human Rights Watch Global Report on Women’s Human Rights,” 1 August 1995 (

11. There is general agreement in the policy world that “rape and other gender-based crimes [were]… key catalysts for the establishment of the [International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia].” The documentation of the strategic use of rape “spurred widespread public outrage against the ineffectiveness of international responses…. Under intense public pressure to respond to the atrocities, the [UN] Security Council issued Resolution 808, expressing ‘grave concern’ over the ‘treatment of Muslim women in the former Yugoslavia,’ and declared that ‘an international tribunal shall be established for the prosecution of persons responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of the former Yugoslavia since 1991’” (July Mertus with Olja Hocevar van Wely, Women’s Participation in the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY): Transitional Justice for Bosnia and Herzegovina, Women Waging Peace Policy Commission (Washington: Hunts Alternatives Fund, 2004), 7.

12. For a complete study of the experiences of ICTY witnesses, see Eric Stover, The Witnesses: War Crimes and the Promise of Justice in the Hague (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005).

13. Zlatko Dizdarević, “Under the Gun in Sarajevo,” Time, 21 February 1994, 32–33.

14. The agreement was eventually rejected by the Bosnian Serbs. See Chuck Sudetic, “Bosnians Urge Tougher Response to Serb Rejection of Accord,” New York Times, 1 August 1994, and “Bosnian Serbs Reject Peace Plan for 3d Time, Defying Russia,” New York Times, 2 August 1994.

15. Laura Silber and John Murray Brown, “Geneva Talks on New Map of Bosnia,” Financial Times, 4 July 1994; and William Drozdiak, “Big Powers Give Final Endorsement to Partition Plan for Bosnia,” Washington Post, 6 July 1994.

SECTION 3. Deadly Stereotypes

1. Miloš Vasić. “Comment: Quiet Voices from the Balkans,” New Yorker, 15 March 1993, 4.

2. Zlatko Diždarević, “Under the Gun in Sarajevo,” Time, 21 February 1994, 33, 34.

3. Elizabeth Neuffer, The Key to My Neighbor’s House: Seeking Justice in Bosnia and Rwanda (New York: Picador, 2001), 5.

4. James J. Sadkovich, The U.S. Media and Yugoslavia, 1991–1995 (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1998), 112.

5. Samuel P. Huntington, “The Clash of Civilizations?,” Foreign Affairs 72, no. 3 (1993): 22.

6. Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Touchstone, 1997).

7. Louis Sell, Slobodan Milošević and the Destruction of Yugoslavia (Durham: Duke University Press, 2002), 237.

8. Quoted in Peter Lippman, “Two Towns Divided: Goražde, Kopaci,” On the Record: Bosnia, issue 17, 6 July 2000 (

9. On the Record: Bosnia, “Division and Destruction on the Drina.” The Advocacy Project, 6 July 2000 (

10. Vaughn S. Forrest and Yossef Bodansky, “The Truth about Goražde,” Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare, House Republican Research Committee, US House of Representatives, 4 May 1994.

11. Jovan Divjak has since published a book in French. See Jovan Divjak, Sarajevo, Mon Amour, interviews with Florence La Bruyère (Paris: Buchet-Chastel, 2004).

12. Quoted in Noel Malcolm, Bosnia: A Short History (New York: New York University Press, 1994), 220.

13. Alija Izetbegović, Islam between East and West (Indianapolis, Ind.: American Trust, 1984).

14. For background on arms supplies to the Bosnian government, see Cees Wiebes, Intelligence and the War in Bosnia (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 2003), especially chapter 4.

15. See Kurt Schork, “NATO Finds ‘Terrorist’ Camp near Sarajevo,” Independent (London), 17 February 1996; and John Promfret, “Bosnian Head of ‘Terrorist’ Camp Calls U.S. Concerns ‘Very Silly,’” Washington Post, 15 March 1996.

16. “Gun Running,” Online NewsHour, 24 April 1996 (–24.html).

SECTION 4. Fissures and Connections

1. Drago Hedl, “Milošević’s Hotline,” Institute for War and Peace Reporting, 20 March 2000 (

2. Laura Blumenfeld, “A Sense of Resignation: The Bosnia Dissenters, Three Young Men Cut Short Their Careers on Principle,” Washington Post, 28 August 1993. The first major resignation was that of George Kenney in August 1992; he was followed by the three young analysts, including Jon Western, the following year.

3. See, for example, Patrick Cockburn, “Dole Will Push for End of US Arms Embargo,” Independent (London), 17 December 1994.

4. For a pictorial look at the conditions in Goražde in 1992, see Joe Sacco and Christopher Hitchens, Safe Area Goražde: The War in Eastern Bosnia 1992–1995 (Seattle: Fantagraphics, 2002).

5. For a stunning portrayal of the physical and psychological exigencies of life in Srebrenica, see Sheri Fink, War Hospital: A True Story of Surgery and Survival (New York: Public Affairs, 2003).

SECTION 5. The End Approaches

1. At that December meeting, CSCE was renamed the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe, or OSCE.

2. “While Bosnia Burns,” Christian Science Monitor, 7 December 1994.

3. Budapest Document 1994, “Towards a Genuine Partnership in a New Era,” Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, 5–6 December 1994, 2–3 (

4. “The Fog of Post-Cold War Peace,” Chicago Tribune, 6 December 1994.

5. Quoted in Andrew N. Guthrie, “Russia and NATO’s Future at the European Security Conference,” Voice of America, 7 December 1994.

6. Kirsten Young, “UNHCR and ICRC in the Former Yugoslavia: Bosnia-Herzegovina.” International Review of the Red Cross 83, no. 843 (September 2001): 781. There were other ways that Bosnians kept in touch with their loved ones during the war, such as the tireless shortwave radio operators. See Peter Maass, “Unlikely Ham Hero Wins the Battle of the Air Waves,” Guardian (Manchester), 9 March 1993.

7. According to the Sarajevo Survival Guide: “It doesn’t matter that the pipe emerges from the disaster left after the big Olympic hall has burned to ground. There is a pipe, and there is water, and there are big lines with people who do not worry anymore whether the water is clean, or not” (Sarajevo: FAMA International, 1992–93, 13). As this satirical guidebook to besieged Sarajevo explains, water access became a life-threatening problem. Bullet holes would sometimes provide surprise access to water pipes. In any case, “the best thing that can happen is a discovery of water somewhere in the neighborhood where you live.” Information about this well-known book is available on FAMA International’s website (

8. UN General Assembly, Report of the Secretary General Pursuant to General Assembly Resolution 53/35: The Fall of Srebrenica, 15 November 1999, 6.

9. Jan Willem Honig and Norbert Both, Srebrenica: Record of a War Crime (New York: Penguin, 1997), 79.

10. Ibid., 86.

11. Quoted in David Rohde, Endgame (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1997), 46.

12. Honig and Both, Srebrenica, 105–7.

13. Ibid., 118–27.

14. Prime Minister Lubbers, private conversation with the author, March 2001.

15. Noel Malcolm, Bosnia: A Short History (New York: New York University Press, 1994), 264.

16. Quote in Diego Arria, “Setting the Stage for Genocide,” SENSE Tribunal, The Hague, 12 May 2005.

17. Honig and Both, Srebrenica, 128–33.

18. Bianca Jagger, “The Betrayal of Srebrenica,” European, 25 September-1 October 1995.

19. Ibid.

20. Quoted in David Rohde, Endgame: The Betrayal and Fall of Srebrenica, Europe’s Worst Massacre Since World War II (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1997). 420.

21. Marlise Simons, “Bosnia Massacre Mars Do-Right Self-Image the Dutch Hold Dear,” New York Times, 13 September 1998.

22. Quoted in Bianca Jagger, “The Betrayal of Srebrenica,” European, 25 September-1 October 1995.

23. Quoted in ibid.

24. Debriefing report of Brigadier General van der Wind delivered to the Dutch government, quoted in “The Betrayal of Srebrenica: Why Did the Massacre Happen? Will It Happen Again?,” hearing before the Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights, Committee on International Relations, United States House of Representatives, 105th Congress, 31 March 1998, 54.

25. Quoted in Jagger, “The Betrayal of Srebrenica.”

26. Honig and Both, Srebrenica, 35.

27. David Rhode, “Evidence Indicates Bosnia Massacre,” Christian Science Monitor, 18 August 1995.

28. Ibid.

29. Thomas Lippman, “Senior Policy Advisers Regroup on U.S. Peace Effort in Balkans,” Washington Post, 22 August 1995.

30. Christiane Amanpour reporting for CNN News, 4 September 1995 (–09–04/world/Bosnia_updates_august95_8–19_1_joseph-kruzel-sarajevo-peace-plan?_s=PM:WORLD).

31. UN Department of Public Information, “Former Yugoslavia-UNPROFOR: United Nations Protection Force—Profile,” New York, 31 August 1996 (

32. Major John R. Snider, USMC, “War in Bosnia: The Evolution of the United Nations and Air Power in Peace Operations,” 1997 (

33. Quoted in Major John R. Snider, War In Bosnia: The Evolution of the United Nations and Air Power in Peace Operations, CSC 1997 (

34. A version of this story appears in Svetlana Broz, Good People in an Evil Time (New York: Other Press), 399–402.

35. Richard C. Holbrooke, To End a War (New York: Modern Library, 1999), 232.

36. Ibid.

37. The full text of the Dayton Peace Agreement is formally known as the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina can be found on the Office of the High Representative website (

SECTION 6. After Dayton

1. Quoted in Ron Jensen, “In Sarajevo the Muses Were Not Silent: Despite Deprivations during War, Sarajevans Continue Enjoying Art,” Stars and Stripes, 24 June 2001, 9.

2. A report by the CIA, published in March 1995, before the Srebrenica genocide, reported this. See Roger Cohen, “C.I.A. Report on Bosnia Blames Serbs for 90 Percent of the War Crimes,” New York Times, 9 March 1995.

3. UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Austria, “A Long Tradition of Assisting Refugees” (

4. Reproduced in Österreichs Außenpolitik Dokumentation, N4–5, December 1993, 7.

5. “Backgrounder,” IFOR Coalition Press Information Center, December 1995.

6. Quoted in the original International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia indictment of Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić (

SECTION 7. Imperfect Justice

1. “Bosnia Extradites 2 to Tribunal,” New York Times, 14 June 1996.

2. US State Department cable, 5 November 1996.

3. Tracy Wilkinson, “Wife Adds to Rumors About Bosnian War-Crimes Suspect,” Los Angeles Times, 12 April 1998.

4. Jim Hoagland, “The Danger of Dayton,” Washington Post, 24 March 1996. The article describes the US inability to put together the two hundred police trainers we had promised to send to Bosnia. It was a particularly discouraging example, since I’d witnessed Louis Freeh, head of the FBI, being rebuffed in his offer to supply the trainers, because the State Department official in charge was guarding his turf.

5. John White, former assistant secretary of defense, private conversation with the author at the Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, June 1998.

6. Philip Shenon, “From the U.S., Mixed Signals on Bosnia War Crime Issue,” New York Times, 4 June 1996.

7. Tom Philpott, “Enforcing Peace in Bosnia,” Retired Officer’s Magazine, September 1996, 63.

8. In 1996, IFOR was replaced by the Stabilisation Force in Bosnia and Herzegovina (SFOR), which worked closely with the UN International Police Task Force (IPTF) to promote local law and order. The IPTF was purely advisory.

9. See Chris Hedges, “Karadžić and Hussein, Survivors; Bosnia and Iraq: The West Repeats Itself,” New York Times, 3 March 1996. See also Christine Spolar, “NATO Troops Spotted Karadžić This Week; Capture Too Risky, Spokesmen Say,” Washington Post, 29 February 1996.

10. Led by Representative Benjamin Gilman.

11. Steven Komarow, “NATO Raid Nets Bosnia Suspects,” USA Today, 11 July 1997.

12. Elizabeth Neuffer, The Key to My Neighbor’s House: Seeking Justice in Bosnia and Rwanda (New York: Picador, 2001), 165.

13. Ultimately, Simić turned himself in; he was transferred to the ICTY on 12 March 2001. Though he pled not guilty, at the end of a trial lasting more than two years, he was convicted of crimes against humanity (persecutions and expulsions) and serious violations of the Geneva Conventions of 1949. Without the involvement of the international troops sent to provide peace and security to Bosnia, the highest-ranking civilian official of Bosanski Šamac was sentenced to seventeen years in prison.

14. Quoted in Jerrold M. Post, Leaders and Their Followers in a Dangerous World: The Psychology of Political Behavior (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004), 173.

15. Kurt W. Bassuener, “A Weekly Review of Current Events,” Balkan Watch, 21 January 1998.

16. Mark Danner, “The Marketplace Massacre and Radovan Karadzic,” Frontline, 5 February 1998

17. Karadžić would elude capture and justice for thirteen years. It wasn’t until July 2008 that Serb forces—hoping, perhaps, to gain favor with the European Union for eventual membership—stepped up to their international obligations and arrested the president-turned-fugitive.

18. For his views on US policy, see Charles G. Boyd, “U.S. Stumbles in Balkans: Nation’s Actions Contradict Its Policies,” Plain Dealer, 10 August 1995.

19. “Memorandum of Bosnian Organisations to the Western Community on the Occasion of the Balkans Conference at Sarajevo on 29/30 July 1999” (

20. Quoted in Philip Shenon, “G.I.’s in Bosnia Shun Hunt for War-Crimes Suspects,” New York Times, 2 March 1996.

21. Quoted in the original International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia indictment of Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić (

22. Quoted in “Biljana Plavsic: Serbian Iron Lady,” BBC News, 27 February 2003.

23. Quoted in Slobodan Inic, “Biljana Plavšić: Geneticist in the Service of a Great Crime,” Helsinki Charter, November 1996 (

24. Quoted in ibid.

25. Quoted in Selma Lomigora, “On Biljana Plavsic’s Early Release,” International Security Forum, 25 November 2009.

26. Christiane Amanpour, “Paramilitaries,” in Crimes of War: What the Public Should Know, ed. Roy Gutman and David Rieff (New York: Norton, 1999), 312–15.

27. Quoted in Inic, “Biljana Plavšić.”

28. In 2000, Plavšić was indicted and became the only one of the evil trio to turn herself in. At seventy-two, she was sentenced to eleven years in prison.

SECTION 8. International Inadequacies

1. For background on the seizure, see Chris Hedges, “NATO Troops in Bosnia Silence Karadžić’s Television Station,” New York Times, 2 October 1997; Elizabeth Neuffer, The Key to My Neighbor’s House: Seeking Justice in Bosnia and Rwanda (New York: Macmillan, 2002), 352.

2. “Interview: Jacques Klein,” Frontline, no date (

3. “Application of the Law on Missing Persons of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Guide for Families of Missing Persons,” Ministry for Human Rights and Refugees, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Sarajevo, 2006 (

4. Cherif Bassiouni, testimony at “Genocide in Bosnia-Herzegovina,” a hearing before the US Congressional Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Washington, 4 April 1995.

5. Quoted in “Missing Persons Institute for Sarajevo,” BBC News, 28 August 2000 (

6. Eventually, the commission would identify nearly sixteen thousand Bosnian victims, and its Tuzla facility would become the most prolific identification facility in the world. See the ICMP website (

7. Manfred Nowak, “Final Statement by Manfred Nowak, Expert, Fifty-Third Session of the Commission on Human Rights,” UN Special Process on Missing Persons in the former Yugoslavia, 26 March 1997. Reproduced in Michael O’Flaherty, “Post-War Protection of Human Rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina,” in International Studies in Human Rights, vol. 53 (Cambridge, Mass: Kluwer Law International, 1998), 318.

8. Eight years after the fighting ended, the suicide rate for the population as a whole was double its prewar level (“Suicide Rate Doubles in Post-War Bosnia,” ABC News, 6 May 2003).

9. Quoted in Tanja Subotic, “Suicide Rate Doubles in Post-War Bosnia,” Agence France-Presse, 6 May 2003 (

10. Quoted in ibid.

SECTION 9. Women’s Initiative

1. Valerie Gillen, Debbie Cavin, and Terry Laggner-Brown were spectacularly helpful colleagues.

2. UN High Commissioner for Refugees, UNHCR Policy on Refugee Women, 20 August 1990, 8–9 (

3. In dizzying juxtaposition, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Sadako Ogata, was so pleased with the Bosnian Women’s Initiative that the model was replicated in Kosovo, Rwanda, Burundi, and East Timor. Ogata bemoaned to me the fact that the budget was too small to permit further expansion.

4. A month later, I would meet with an expanded group of sixty women; some had boarded buses at 4:00 a.m. to come to the capital to learn how to start a chapter in their towns.

SECTION 10. Recreating Community

1. Quoted in Steven Erlanger, “Bosnian Elections to Go Ahead in ‘96, Christopher Says,” New York Times, 3 June 1996.

2. Anthony Lewis, ‘Abroad at Home; Bosnia Betrayed Again,” New York Times, 3 June 1996.

3. Quoted in Erlanger, “Bosnian Elections to Go Ahead in ‘96.”

4. Quoted in Adam Nagourney, “Dole, at Site of Bosnia Accords, Says They Have Failed,” New York Times, 6 September 1996.

5. Henry Kissinger, “America in the Eye of a Hurricane,” Washington Post, 8 September 1996.

6. International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, 14 May 1997.

7. International Crisis Group (ICG), Is Dayton Failing?: Bosnia Four Years After the Peace Agreement, 28 October 1999 (

8. Kemal Kurspahic, “Trees for Sarajevo,” American Forests, spring 1998.

9. Christiane Amanpour, CNN News, 18 October 1995.

10. Alexandra Kroeger, “Victims of Bosnia’s Sex Trade,” BBC News, 22 March 2002 (

11. Quoted in Chris Hedges, “At Last, a Unifying Force in Bosnia: Making Money,” New York Times, 17 October 1996.

12. Mitja Velikonja, “In Hoc Signo Vinces: Religious Symbolism in the Balkan Wars 1991–1995,” conference paper presented at Nationality and Citizenship in Post-Communist Europe, Paris, 9–10 July 2001, 8 (

13. Quoted in Noreen Herzfeld, “Lessons from Srebrenica: The Dangers of Religious Nationalism,” Journal of Religion and Society, supplement 2 (2007) (–8.html).

14. Josip Stilinovic, “A Visit to a Vanishing Diocese,” Catholic World News, 17 July 1996.

15. The Grand Mufti of Bosnia.

16. Michael Sells, The Bridge Betrayed Religion and Genocide in Bosnia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 82.

17. Warren Christopher, “Remarks at One-year Anniversary of Formation of the Federation, and the Founding of the ‘Friends of the Federation,’ ” Washington, 16 March 1995, State Department transcript.

18. Present-day value.

19. OEM interview with Hans Koschnick, January 1995.

20. Anthony Lewis, “Fixing Division of Mostar Critical to Bosnian Peace,” Sun Sentinel, 18 February 1997.

21. Translated by Amila Čelebić, Spirit of Bosnia, 1, no. 4 (October 2006).

22. Brian Knowlton, “France Backs a US Call to Keep NATO in Bosnia,” International Herald Tribune, 25 September 1997.

23. Elizabeth Neuffer, “Decision Time for NATO in Bosnia: Future of Peacekeeping Mission Tests Alliance’s Resolve,” Boston Globe, 3 December 1997.

24. Ibid.

25. Hillary Clinton had refined to a fine art group meetings with women all over the world. A few months earlier she had keynoted the first in a series of regional meetings called “Vital Voices: Women in Democracy,” which we had launched in Vienna.

26. “Clinton Appeals for Harmony in Bosnia,” BBC News, 22 December 1997 (


1. Joseph S. Nye, “Propaganda Isn’t the Way: Soft Power,” International Herald Tribune, 10 January 2003 (

2. Jacob Weisberg, “Party of Defeat: AEi’s Weird Celebration,” Slate, 14 March 2007 (

3. Samuel P. Huntington, The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), vii.

4. Gilles Kepel, Bad Moon Rising: A Chronicle of the Middle East Today, trans. Pascale Ghazaleh (London: Saqi, 2003), 133.

5. Ibid., 74.

6. See for example a University of Pennsylvania announcement from 2009 (

7. Michael R. Gordon and Jeff Zeleny, “Obama Would Engage Iran if Elected, He Says,” New York Times, 1 November 2007.

8. Press Release, “Bernard Lewis to Receive AEi’s Irving Kristol Award for 2007,” American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 2007 (

9. Bernard Lewis, “The 2007 Irving Kristol Lecture,” 7 March 2007 (

10. Roger Cohen, Hearts Gone Brutal (New York: Random House, 1998), 188.

11. Adi Schwartz, “UN Commissioner for Winning Hearts,” Haaretz, 1 June 2008. (

12. Quoted in ibid.

13. David O. Sears, Leonie Huddy, and Robert Jervis, eds., Oxford Handbook of Political Psychology (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003).

14. John Duckitt, “Prejudice and Intergroup Hostility,” in The Oxford Handbook of Political Psychology, ed. David O. Sears, Leonie Huddy, and Robert Jervis (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 559–600.

15. “IIE Awards Prize to Members of Parents Circle Family Forum,” Institute of International Education, 20 June 2008 (

16. Robert D. Kaplan, Balkan Ghosts: A Journey Through History (New York: Macmillan, 1994), li.

17. Quoted in Laura Rozen, “Robert Kaplan,” Salon, 17 April 2001 (

18. Noel Malcolm, Bosnia: A Short History (New York: New York University Press, 1994), xix.

19. Quoted in Alastair Leithead, “An Italian Oasis in Afghanistan,” BBC News, 26 May 2008 (

20. Swanee Hunt and Cristina Posa, “Women Waging Peace: Inclusive Security,” Foreign Policy, May-June 2001 (

21. Amnesty International, “Guatemala: ‘Disappearances’; Briefing to the UN Committee against Torture,” 30 November 2000 (

22. Julie Mertus with Olja Hocevar van Wely, “Women’s Participation in the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY): Transitional Justice for Bosnia and Herzegovina,” July 2004 (available at

23. Quoted in “Bosnian Cardinal Saw Yugoslavian Split, Worked for Reconciliation,” Catholic News Service, 1 April 2005 (

24. Marty Branagan, “The Toppling of Slobodan Milošević,” Neucleus, no. 6 (2004): 12–13.

25. Kari Hoglund, “Finland’s Contributions to Peacekeeping,” Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland, 4 November 1998 (

26. “Ten Arrested over Politkovskaya Murder,” Spiegel International, 27 August 2007 (,1518,502286,00.html).

27. Quoted in “Russia: Courageous Journalist Mourned,” Human Rights Watch press release, 9 October 2006.

28. Jorn Madslien, “Russia’s Economic Might: Spooky or Soothing?” BBC News, 4 July 2007 (

29. See Sanam Naraghi Anderlini, Camille Pampell Conaway and Lisa Kays, “Transitional Justice and Reconciliation,” Inclusive Security, Sustainable Peace: A Toolkit for Advocacy and Action: Justice, Governance, and Civil Society (Washington: Hunt Alternatives Fund and International Alert, 2004) ( The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) were the first courts employing Chapter VII of the UN Charter since the aftermath of World War II.

30. Of course, some nations may serve a purpose by refusing to take sides. Switzerland’s neutrality, for whatever economic and tactical reasons, provides a home for the Red Cross, which depends on a dogged refusal to place blame in order to maintain credibility.

31. Stephen D. Wrage, “Genocide in Rwanda: Draft Case Study for Teaching Ethics and International Affairs” (paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Los Angeles, 14–18 March 2000).

32. Report of the Secretary-General on the Situation in Rwanda, Doc. S/1994/640, 31 May 1994, para. 43 (

33. Quoted in Douglas Jehl, “Officials Told to Avoid Calling Rwanda Killings ‘Genocide,’” New York Times, 10 June 1994.

34. Quoted in Samantha Power, “Bystanders to Genocide,” Atlantic, September 2001.

35. The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide obligates parties that signed the document to prevent and punish the crime of genocide. The full convention can be found at

36. Richard Holbrooke, To End a War (New York: Random House, 1999), 233.

37. Misha Glenny, The Fall of Yugoslavia: The Third Balkan War (London: Penguin, 1992).

38. Richard Holbrooke, “Lessons from Dayton for Iraq,” Washington Post, 23 April 2008.

39. Report of the International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1914, 1.

40. For a thorough discussion of the highly variable US public opinion polls on intervention in Bosnia, see Steven Kull and Clay Ramsay, “US Public Opinion on Intervention in Bosnia,” in International Public Opinion and the Bosnia Crisis, ed. Erik Shiraev and Richard Sobel, 69–106 (Lanham, Md.: Lexington, 2003).

41. Jabari Asim, “African American Lessons in Giving,” Washington Post, 3 July 2006.

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MARC Record
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Open Access
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