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4 SENTENCE AND CLAUSE

4.1 General

Kapampangan, possibly like all other languages, has bipartite constructions which we can call predica­tions (topic and comment or subject and predicate— although the English-speaking student must not assume that his English-derived conceptions of subject and predicate will serve him in explaining the structure of the Kapampangan constructions). There are at least two major types of Kapampangan predications: verbal predi­ cations and non-verbal predications. Both types occur alone as simple sentences or in various combinations 82with other predications in complex sentences. In the latter case we refer to the component predications as clauses. A clause, then, may be a simple sentence or a component of a complex sentence.

Sentences are further distinguishable as ordinary declarative, imperative, interrogative. Each of these types may be negative or not negative.

Examples.

simple declarative: Makó ná ku. ‘I’m going to leave now.’

negative: É na ku mámakó. ‘I’m not leaving now.’

simple imperative: Mangán tá na. ‘Let’s eat.’

negative: É ka makó. ‘Don’t leave.’

simple interrogative: Nú ka muntá? ‘Where are you going (to go)?’

negative: É na ka magbálik? ‘Aren’t you going to come back?’

4.2 Non-Verbal Predications

Non-verbal predications—distinguished, as the label implies, by the non-occurrence of verbs as the centers of the predicates—may be described as existen­tial, identificational, or descriptive. Within the types called existential and descriptive there are 83possible sub-classes of possession, location and referent.

4.2.1 Existential Predicates

Existential predicates are distinguished by the occurrence of atí(n) or its negative counterpart aláq. There are two major functions: indication of presence (BE: exist in space) or possession (HAVE—a kind of existence in space). The former (intransitive) is signaled by atí or by its negative aláq with the special pronoun forms yu or lu (cf. section 3.3.5) if third person. The latter (transitive?) is signaled by atín or aláq and the regular short pronoun forms plus the -ng linker. In interrogative sentences, nukarín/ or antá/anté ‘where’ substitute for atí.

Examples of BE:

Anté i Tátang? ‘Where is Father?’

Atí ne i Imáq. ‘Mother is here now.’

Atí na yú? ‘Is she/he here now?’

Atí yu ngéni king múla. ‘She/he’s here now in the yard.’

Alá yu. ‘She/he’s not here.’

Examples of HAVE:

Atín yang baróng tagálog. ‘He has a barong Tagalog.’ 84

Alá ya pang sapátus. ‘He doesn’t have shoes yet.’

I Jún, alá ya pang asáwa. ‘As for Jun(ior), he has no wife yet.’

Atín la pung sirá ring ópu. ‘The opu plants have some damage (d parts), sir.’

Alá kamí. ‘We have none.’

Other HAVE Constructions.

There are two other HAVE constructions: mika-signals one of these and the other is very much like descriptive non-verbal predicates to be discussed below.

Mikaqápat ta paláng pésus. ‘To our surprise we have four pesos.’

Métung man aláng makipányu. ‘None of them has a handkerchief.’

The second of these two HAVE constructions should be compared to the atin construction discussed above. This differs in the occurrence of a descriptive in the position otherwise occupied by atin and in absence of the -ng linker. It may also be compared to the noun-complemented descriptive predications described below (pages 92, 93).

Dakál ya bié i Juán. ‘Juan has many lives.’ (i.e., There are many stories about the life of Juan.) 85

4.2.2 Identificational Predicates

Another type of non-verbal predication occurs with the meaning BE; constructions of the form: Noun Phrase + Noun Phrase are identificational. In this construction the second noun phrase is always an ing-marked noun phrase or its substitute; the first noun phrase may or may not be ing-marked depending on whether it is specific in meaning (ing-marked) or general and indefi­nite or unspecific (non-marked).

Kang Kármén ing maníka. ‘The doll is Carmen’s/is with Carmen.’

Ing kang Kármén ing maníka. ‘The doll is the one Carmen has.’

This construction type differs from the atí marked construction with respect to function: the identifica­tional predication has a durative characteristic meaning while, the atí construction implies a specific time/ place.

Identificational predicates may be pronouns (see 3.3). In interrogative sentences with identifica­tional predication nánu ‘what’ and i(n)sánu ‘which’ occur as predicates.

Negative identificational predicates have aliwáq ‘other’ or the preclitic negative é- ‘not’ as the first 86element of the predicate; otherwise, alíq substitutes for the whole predicate.

Examples of identificational predicates:

Kutséru ya i Mandóng. ‘Mandong is a rig-driver.’

Kusinéra ya i Ríta. ‘Rita is a cook/kitchen manager/runs a restaurant.’

Ing kapitán (ya) i Paskwál. ‘Pascual is the (barrio) captain.’

Detang aliwá reng dáráyaq. ‘The ones bleeding were those others.’

Íka i Maríang Sinukuán? ‘Are you Maria Sinukuan?’

Alí ku. ‘I am not.’

É ku Maríang Sinukuán. ‘I’m not Maria Sinukuan.’

Aliwayáku i Maríang Sinukuán. ‘I’m not Maria Sinukuan—Someone other than me is Maria Sinukuan.’

Áku i Maríang Makíling. ‘I am Maria Makiling.’

Yámu itá. ‘That one is him.’

Nínu naman déni? ‘And who are these?’

Áku námu ing aláng árakáp a tugák. ‘I’m the only one who wasn’t able to catch a frog.’

I(n)sánu ing kéka? ‘Which one is yours?’

Nánu la rétang makabálut papél? ‘What are those things wrapped in paper?’ 87

Ságin la? ‘Are they bananas?’

Alí la. ‘No, they’re not.’

É la asán dén. ‘Those are not fish.’

É ya tugák ing king súput. ‘The thing in the sack is not a frog.’

The reader will have noticed the range of negative answers that are possible with the identificational type of non-verbal predication. One of these negative constructions deserves special attention since it can prove particularly confusing to an American learner. This is the negative with aliwá. Aliwá in some of its occurrences is a special non-negative pronoun much as English uses ‘other’. Certain other occurrences, how­ever, like the eighth in the set of examples above, can correspond to a negative sentence in English.

Obát pu lálákad la ring balé ampon tanáman?

Aliwá ring balé ampon tanáman ding lálákad. Ing lálákad ing sásakén tang trén. ‘Why are the houses and trees moving, sir? It’s not the houses and trees that are moving (it’s something else). What is moving is the train we are riding.’ 88

4.2.3 Identificational-Descriptive Predicates

Some non-verbal predicates exist which seem to overlap the existential-identificational types described above and the purely descriptive types to be described below. These may be subdivided into a referent-identificational type (subject is used for or on some­thing), a locational descriptive with deictic meaning, and a possessional-locational type. The reader may find it useful to check back to the section on king-marked noun phrases.

Referent-identificational examples:

Para dútung ya ing pát. ‘The pat (chisel) isfor use on wood.’

Pangnánu ití? ‘What’s this for?’

Bangkúd, pamútut kwáyan. ‘A “bangkud” is a tool for cutting bamboo.’

In the third example it may be that pamútut should be considered an instrument-focused verb (4.3.4). Locational descriptive examples:

Oitá ing balé ra. ‘Their house is that one there.’

Oréni na ring tíket. ‘These are the tickets here now.

Nukarín ya ing kapatád mu? ‘Where/which one here (e.g., in a photograph) is your sibling? 89

Oiní ing kapatád ku. ‘This one here is my sibling.’

Possessive-Locational examples:

Kékayú la pu rén? ‘Are those yours, sir?’

Káku ití. ‘This one is mine/is for me.’

Kang Lítu ya kanu ing maragúl. ‘The big one is said to be Lito’s.’

King ísip námu kayáq itá. ‘That is probably just in his head/thoughts.’

Kéta king múla ring ának. ‘The children are out there in the yard.’

4.2.4 Descriptive Predicates of Quality and Quantity

A very common type of sentence is the construction composed of a descriptive full word (adjective) as predicate center followed by an ing-marked noun phrase as subject. Descriptives are commonly marked with the prefix ma- (or one of the related prefixes: me-, manga-, menga-). Other descriptives are unaffixed. Numbers are a subset of these. Some descriptives take a nominal complement of reference and some descriptives allow comparative and superlative constructions.

Descriptive predicates are negated like verbal predicates and are inflected for tense as well as number. As there appears to be no clear formal 90difference between descriptives and many stative or nominalized verbs, it may be that as analysis proceeds we will have to treat descriptive predicates as verbal predicates or perhaps as predicates intermediate to the verbal and non-verbal ones. (See 3.6.4—where some descriptives have already been treated as verbs.)

Examples of unaffixed descriptives as predicates:

Tutú puq ing sasábian da? ‘Is what they’re saying true, sir?’

É tutú itá. ‘That’s not true.’

Lutú no ring pútu? ‘Are the rice cakes cooked now?’

Bastús itáng sébian na kéka. ‘What he said to you was rude.’

Sáyáng itá. ‘It’s too bad (about) that.’

Tibak-tibák ya ing úrud na. ‘His haircut is sort of uneven.’

Examples of ma- descriptive predicates:

Maganaká ya i Pondíng. ‘Ponding is (a) good (person).’

Mátua náku. ‘I’m old now.’

Malagnát ya ing anák. ‘The child is feverish.’

Malambút ya ing ulunán na ning anák. ‘The child’s pillow is soft.’ 91

Maqásu ya ing balé ra. ‘Their house has plenty of dogs.’

Malangó ing karín uling marinát. ‘There are plenty of flies there because it’s dirty.’

Obát malungkút ká? ‘Why are you sad?’

Manóng itáng géwa na. ‘What he did was improper.’

Masípag ya i Lína. ‘Lina is hard-working.’

Mapagsélos kung talagá ngéni. ‘I’m really jealous now.’

Examples of ma- descriptive predicates with past tense:

Meburá itáng sinúlat ku nandín. ‘That thing I wrote a while ago was erased.’

Mesiás itáng linútu na. ‘What she cooked has hardened now.’

Melasébu no rétang sampáluk ku. ‘My tamarind fruits have become partly ripe.’

Melulút no rétang manggá. ‘Those mangoes have become ripe.’

Melukúng ya itáng plástik. ‘The piece of plastic got curved.’

Mebagsík ne itáng ásu ku. ‘My dog has become fierce.’ 92

Examples of ma- descriptives with number and number plus tense:

Mangatáko langán deng táung dén. ‘Those people there are all greedy.’

Mangatarám lading gagamítan dang kampít. ‘The knives they are using are sharp.’

Mangabarúg ya kang tátang na. ‘He keeps getting whipped by his father.’

Mengalutú ya iniang pékisábián ke. ‘He reddened when I spoke to him.’

Mengalilyú la ulíng éla mámangán maski nánu. ‘They got dizzy because they didn’t eat any­thing.’

Mengalálam la ding sápaq kéni. ‘The brooks get deep here.’

Examples of ma- descriptives with descriptive, noun or verb complements of reference (see 3.6.4):

Mepagál kung ústu. ‘I got really tired.’

Meína neng talagá ngéni. ‘He has grown very weak now.’

Mengabsí na kayúng méngan? ‘Did you get filled up from eating?’

Mesúya ku kétang péngan kung asán. ‘I got fed up with that fish I was eating.’ 93

Metúla ku kétang sinábi na. ‘I was pleased by what he said.’

Melágad ku ípan. ‘I came to have few(er) teeth.’

Madagúl ya busbús ing sáku. ‘The sack has a big hole.’

Examples of maka- stative descriptive predicates:

Makatamád ya ing aldó ngéni. ‘The day today makes (one) lazy.’

Makaputláq ing aslám. ‘Vinegar makes (you) pale.’

Makasóra ing sinábi na kanáku. ‘What he said to me is annoying.’

Makasantíng ing mibáblas mung mibáblas. ‘Always changing your clothes makes (you) nice.’

Makakáyap ing bubulásan. ‘Being scolded makes one good.’

Makabáwal ing pámipalímbag aláng kapaintulútan. ‘Printing without permission is prohibited.’

Makasalikút nó ngan. ‘They’re all hidden.’

Makasitingpríti la ngéni. ‘They’re sitting pretty now.’

4.2.5 Comparative and Superlative Constructions in

Descriptive Predication

There are basically two different types of 94comparative constructions: one in which two NPs are predicated as equally possessing a quality, and the other where X is said to be of a certain quality more so than Y. In the former case the descriptive base is prefixed with mising- and both NPs are ing-marked. In the latter type X is ing-marked, the basic descriptive, with or without mas, occurs first, and Y is king-marked, with or without kesa. Examples:

Magastús ing píkabúrian keng pusitára. ‘The preferred way is more expensive than eloping.’

Masákit ing Kapampángan keng Tagálog. ‘Kapampangan is more difficult than Tagalog.’

Iníng lúbid a iní, mas makábaq kesa kéta. ‘This rope here, it’s longer than that one.’

Atín yang upáya mas lábis kekayú. ‘He has a power greater than yours.’

Misingawíg lang Talíq ampo i Séni. ‘Taliq and Zeny have the same appearance.’

Misingragúl lang Sálong ampo pa i Midíng. ‘Salong and Miding are equally big.’

A third type of comparative construction seems to function like the mising- construction to mean that X and Y are judged to be characterized by some feature or 95quality to the same degree. The form of the construction differs, however; the descriptive base is prefixed by kasing-, one NP is ing-marked, and the other is ning-marked. Perhaps this construction is related to the emphatic descriptive construction described below (4.9)

Kasingtíbe ne ning balé mi ing karéla. ‘Their house is just as sturdy as ours.’

Kasinglatí neng Ernáni i Juliéta. ‘Julieta is just as small as Ernani.’

Kasingkaklák neng Bári i Máyk. ‘Mike is just as hard-of-hearing as Barry.’

Kasingtápang neng Róni i Risál. ‘Rizal is just as brave as Ronnie.’

I Glénn, kasingsíkan neng Társan. ‘As for Glenn, he’s just as strong as Tarzan.’

Ing batuín, kasingsála ne ning aldó. ‘The star(s) are just as bright as the sun.’

4.2.6 Superlative Descriptive Predications

Superlative descriptive predications are very similar to comparative constructions. They differ in including díliq or ngán and they may or may not have the descriptive base prefixed with péka-. 96

Malagú yang tutúq i María kéko ngán. ‘Maria is truly the prettiest of you all.’

Pékamaragúl yang díliq i Témyong. ‘Temyong is the biggest.’

Pékamángye yang díliq i Davíd. ‘David is the noisiest.’

Pékamalabít yang díliq i Mérli karéla. ‘Merli is the most talkative among them.’

I Kínday, yápin ing pékamalugúd díliq. ‘Kinday is the one who is most loveable.’

Ing apalyáq, yápin ing pékamapaít kareng gúle. ‘The ampalaya, that is the bitterest of the vegetables.’

Ing sampagíta, yápin ing pékamabanglú kareng sampága. ‘The sampaguita, that is the most fragrant of the flowers.’

Ing balé ra, yápín ing pékamalínis kéti báryu Kabalántian. ‘As for their house, it’s the cleanest here in barrio Cabalantian.’

Ing pékamaláwut kareng pintalán kung lugál yápin ing Olónggapu. ‘The furthest of all the places I’ve gone is Olongapo.’ 97

4.2.7 Emphatic Descriptive Predicates

There are two different emphatic descriptive con­structions: one is like the simple descriptive predications except that the descriptive form occurs twice in the predicate phrase, the two forms linked together by a pronoun and the -ng linker; the other consists of a ka- prefixed descriptive form plus a ning-marked noun phrase.

Mapáli yang mapáli king maranglé. ‘It’s very hot in the field(s).’

Malatí yang malatí ing balé mi. ‘Our house is very small.’

Mapagál neng mapagál. ‘He is very tired now.’

Karánup ku ná. ‘How hungry I am now!’

Katáko na kasí. ‘Because he’s so greedy!’

Kapormalán mu namán. ‘Well, you’re so very formal!’

Kanyáman ning makadúyan. ‘How delightful to be in a hammock!’

Kasantíng ning mamiálung kéti. ‘How nice to play here!’

Kaú nang danúm ning kabáyu. ‘How thirsty for water the horse is!’

Obát katúlid mo Máya? ‘Why are you (standing) so straight, Maia?’ 98

Obát kayúmu na níní? ‘Why is this so sweet?’

4.2.8 Number

The cardinal numbers, which also occur as nouns (unaffixed as simple nouns: atlú ‘three’ or affixed: pa-t-atlú ‘ceremony three days after death’) or as verbs (magqápat ‘to be in one’s fourth year of doing or being something’), occur as the centers of descriptive-identificational phrases. For calendar dates and for prices Spanish or English numbers are usually used. Some measurements are also Spanish: dós por dós ‘2x2— lumber’. There are a number of sub-types of ordinal numbers which also occur as descriptive predicates. Cardinal numbers:

     métung ‘one’ anám ‘six’
  adwá ‘two’ pitú ‘seven’
  atlú ‘three’ walú ‘eight’
  ápat ‘four’ siám ‘nine’
  limá ‘five’ apúlu ‘ten’

Ordinal numbers:

     priméru/porméru/pulméru ‘first’
  kakadwáq ‘second’
  (i) katlú ‘third’
  (i) kápat ‘fourth’ 99
  ikalimá ‘fifth’
  ikaqanám ‘sixth’
  ikapitú ‘seventh’
  ikawalú ‘eighth’
  ikasiám ‘ninth’
  ikapúluq ‘tenth’

Ordinal numbers used to refer to offspring in order of birth: pangáne ‘first born’, pangalawáq/pangadwáq ‘second born’, pangatlú ‘third born’…. These may be examples of the influence of Tagalog on contemporary Kapampangan. Dalawá and pangalawá are Tagalog forms as opposed to Kapampangan adwá, pangadwá.

Time numbers:

     bánuang sikadwá ‘two years ago’
  bánuang sikatlú ‘three years ago’
  makadwá ‘two days from now’ or ‘two days past’
  nakadwá ‘two days ago’

Manner numbers: numbers of units, repetitions, price per unit:

     tungal-túngal ‘one by one’
  tidwá tidwa-tidwá ‘two by two’
  titló titlo-titló ‘three by three’
  tiaqápat tiaqapatqápat ‘four by four’ or ‘four each’
  tialimá ‘five by five’ or ‘five each’ 100
  tiaanám   ‘six by six’, ‘six each’
  tiapitú   ‘seven by seven’, ‘seven each’
  tiawalú   ‘eight by eight’, ‘eight each’
  tiasiám   ‘nine by nine’, ‘nine each’
  tiapúlu   ‘ten by ten’, ‘ten each’
  Tiamagkánu?   ‘How much per unit?’

4.3 Verbal Predications

Many Kapampangan sentences have a verb as center of the predication. A verb is a full word which is in­flected for tense (yet to unfold, unfolding and unfolded-which is somewhat different from the English categories of tense); it may be a verb form containing modal ele­ments such as accidental or non-volitional, abilitative, causative, distributive-repetitive-continual, or recipro­cal. These verbal predications involve the assertion of a particular relationship between the verb phrase which is center of the predicate and the various co-occurring noun phrases.

The major types of verbal predication are action-agent, action-goal, action-beneficiary, and action-location or action-referent. (This is a tentative classification—further analytic work may lead to lumping or splitting some of these types; if anything, 101the chances of needing more classes are much greater than that of needing fewer.) Verbal predications with a causative verb often involve two agents or an agent for the causing and a second agent for the ancillary action (recipient or referent of the causing but actor in the caused action). These relations are signaled in a coordinated manner by the affix or affixes of the verb and by the case-marking particles of the cooccurring noun phrases.

4.3.1 Action-Actor Predication

Predication where the relation focused on is that of actor and action is marked in the verb by the occur­rence of mag- (yet to unfold: mag-; unfolding: mág-; unfolded: mig-/meg-), or magpa- (with tenses as for mag-); similarly magka- and magpaka-; -um- or a simple unaffixed verb root (in this sub-set, the unfolding tense is marked by CV́ reduplication and the unfolded tense by CínV́-); or by m- or man-. The tense forms of m- and man- are rather complicated at first glance: some take a vowel change, usually ui or ae; others take min- in the unfolded tense and a reduplicated form in the unfolding. When the root begins with a labial (p, b, m), the unfolding tense may show mam- (mim-, 102mum-) where the second m replaces the first sound of the root; if the root begins with a dental or alveolar sound (t, d, n, s), the unfolding tense occurs marked with man- where this n replaces the first sound of the root. Similarly roots with velar sounds in the initial position of the root replace that by ng.

In the actor-action predication the agent or actor is the noun phrase marked with ing. The predication may be transitive or intransitive (as judged by the English meaning—this is an unsatisfactory criterion but it will have to do for now). If a goal is expressed usually it is indefinite, non-specific or locational in meaning, and is marked with king; it may be definite or specific, and then is marked with keng.

Examples of the action-actor predication:

mag-

Maglímbun la reng kabáryu na. ‘His barrio mates are walking in/forming a procession.’

Magbrék katá. ‘Let’s you and I take a break.’

Miglipák ya ing Kanóq. ‘The American got blisters.

Magqobrá ya kanú ing anák da. ‘Their child is working, it is said.’

Magkantá ka keng aráp ning mikrópono. ‘Sing in front of the microphone.’ 103

Mágtéybal muq ing dalága. ‘The young lady is just sitting at the table/being a wallflower.’

Migsalúd ka palá king girípu. ‘So, you took a bath at the (outdoor) faucet.’

Magsupápí la reng táu kéti. ‘The people here are collaborating.’

Magmanéu yang jíp. ‘He drives a jeep.’

Máglawé ku reng kwéntong Kapampángan. ‘I’m search­ing for Kapampangan stories.’

Máglukás lang páldas. ‘They are wearing mourning clothes.’

Magnangnáng kung bulíg? ‘Shall I spit some mud­fish?’

Mánigáral ya i Míke. ‘Mike is studying.’

Mánigáral yang Kapampángan i Míke. ‘Mike is study­ing Kapampangan.’

Ménigáral ya i Míke Kapampángan. ‘Mike was studying Kapampangan.’

(Note that English words when borrowed and used as verbs— brék ‘take a break’, téybal ‘be a wallflower’, dyáket ‘wear a jacket’, etc.—regularly take mag-.) Examples of other roots which take mag- (only a small selection): sadiá, pasyál, sándal, qumpisá, lugmá, 104qaláhas, sinélas, lálang, lamiús, kunwári, bulákbul, lóku, lípat, qenéru, ányu, labláb, banáyad, bába, suéto. qaluági, bastús, basúra, báyu, qintíndi, másid, lusúb, línis, depósitu, burarúl, bastún, dúyan, qalmusál….

magka-

Magkasákit ku pa kéti. ‘I’m still having diffi­culty here.’

Migkasákit yang minúkyat king bundúk. ‘He had a hard time climbing (on) the mountain.’

Migkámalí ku. ‘I made a mistake.’

Other roots which occur with magka-: lutu, lub, …

magpa-

Obát la mágpalimús? ‘Why are they begging?’ Other roots with magpa-: lípas, dúrut, tuyóq, gátuq, tálan, báya, …

magpaka-

Ót magpakatulíng ká? ‘Why are you trying to darken yourself?’

Other roots with magpaka-: bayáni, laláki, báyat, …

-um-

Numánu ka? ‘What will you do?’

Nánánu ka? ‘What are you doing?’

Nínánu ka? ‘What did you do?’

Lumuál kamí. ‘We’re going out.’ 105

É ka bísa lumuál? ‘Don’t you want to go out?’

Lúluál i Máya. ‘Maia is going out.’

Sumábong katá keng dumínggo. ‘Let’s go to the cockfight on Sunday.’

É la sásábong. ‘They don’t go cockfighting.’

Tumérak kayúng María. ‘Dance with Maria.’

Biása na ká mang tumérak. ‘You do too know how to dance.’

Ing mísis ku, burí ne tétérak. ‘My wife, she likes dancing.’

Sumúlat ka keng kákung nótbuk. ‘Write in my note­book.’

Kumá kang bóla. ‘Get a ball.’

Kákuá yang bóla. ‘He is getting a ball.

Kínguá/Kínanguá yang bóla. ‘He got a ball.’

Kumá kung métung kéka. ‘I’ll get one from you.’

Gumámit kang béto. ‘Use Veto.’

É na ka gumámit súngkit. ‘Don’t use a pole-hook now.’

Other roots with -um-: tíman, lungúb (lúb), láwe, sáka, súlud, sáup, lában, dúrut, gáping, lusúb, kupás, línis, líno, liksí, dítak, díne, lábis, dánup, dáyaq, káyap, lapó, katmóq, …

Note that some roots may take either mag- or -um-; 106when this is the case, usually there is a difference in meaning, as in lungúb ‘enter’, maglúb ‘go in uninvited’.

There is a subset of verb roots which occur very much like the -um- verbs described above, with the difference that they do not occur with the infix -um-. Rather, they occur in their bare root forms where the -um- verbs show the infix. The unfolding tense shows CV́ reduplication and the unfolded tense has CínV́-.

Examples.

Ganáp ka keng útus na ning Ápung Ginú. ‘Obey God’s command.’

(gáganáp, gínanáp)

Sáli kang serbésa. ‘Buy some beer.’

Sásalí yang serbésa i Andíng. ‘Andy is buying some beer.’

Sínalí yang serbésa i Témyong. ‘Temyong bought beer.’

Púpúpul lang suáq. ‘They are picking pomelo.’

É ko sásalábat. ‘Don’t interrupt.’

É ka sísindíq? ‘Don’t you smoke?’

Sísípun ya i Rodél. ‘Rodel has a cold/is sniffling.’ ‘Rodel’s nose is dripping.’

Súsúngkít lang biábas. ‘They are hooking down guavas.’ 107

Sásagakgák ya i Máya. ‘Maia is sobbing.’

Sínulú lang asán nábéngi. ‘They went torch-fishing last night.’

Masayá lang tátanám reng bátaq ampo ing bápa ra. ‘The children and their father/uncle are happily planting.’

Other roots: tákut, talakád, tadtád, telekuád, tuklú, líbut, sugál, talíp, túknang, típa, pakpák, kawániq,….

 

M- and Man-

Bisá yang minúm. ‘He wants to drink.’

É na ka míminúm médikul? ‘Don’t you take (drink) Medicol?’

Mémiúm kang kapé. ‘You drank coffee.’

Mílaí yang masalúsu. ‘He ran swiftly.’

Mintá ya Meníla. ‘She went to Manila.’

Mánintún yang málan a masantíng. ‘She is looking for a pretty dress.’

Mínqanggá lang álas dósi. ‘They went on up to two o’clock.’

É ka mámalís neng béngi. ‘Don’t sweep at night.’

É ka sáq mángalínguan, póta atí na ká king Hawáii. ‘Please don’t forget (e.g., us) later when you are in Hawaii.’ 108

Mángadí la. ‘They are praying.’

Manambág ya i Tátang keng ágúman. ‘Father will contribute to the association.’

Mamalíta ka keng lugál a íkit mu. ‘Tell about the place you saw.’

Bisá ku sánang manqúpang balé. ‘I would like to rent a house.’

Mandám kung gitára. ‘I will borrow a guitar.’

É ku maniwála kayá. ‘I don’t believe (in) him.’

Malyári kung mángutáng? ‘May I ask a question?’

Mémipí ku nápun. ‘I did the wash yesterday.’

Mémilád kung pále. ‘I dried some rice.’

The m- and man- subset of verb roots must be further subclassed according to the form of the tenses. Compare the sets below.

mukyát: múmukyát: mínukyát (ukyát ‘climb’)

múna: múmúna: mínúna (úna ‘one, first’)

míq: mímíq: míníq (íq ‘urine’)

míngat: mímíngat: míníngat (íngat ‘guard’)

See also úgse, ambág, akmúl, ábe, ulí, arkilá and many others. There are some roots which have sets of forms with and without m-, which informants say “are the same”; perhaps there is some meaningful difference (likely in the aspect area—possibly durative vs. 109punctual).

bié: bíbié: bínié ‘give’

mié: mímié: mínié/mémié ‘give’

Some roots are very similar to the above but differ in the unfolded tense.

makó: mámakó: mékó ‘depart’

minúm: míminúm/máninúm: méminúm (inúm ‘drink’)

mimuáq: mímimuáq: mémuáq ‘be angry’

See also muntá: mintá ‘go’ and mulaí: milaí ‘run’, which are like the set discussed below in having roots which begin with a labial (puntá, pulaí), but differ from those in the abbreviated unfolded tense.

There are a number of verb roots beginning with vowels (or glottal catch followed by a vowel) which have unfolded tense forms with men-: amúy, ík, úyab, íntun, -yád, -ábu, …

Examples of m- replacing p or b in the root.

mámuát: mémuát (buát ‘lift’)

mámilád: mémilád (bilád ‘dry in the sun’)

mámuklát: mémuklát (buklát ‘open’)

mámáyad: mémáyad (báyad ‘pay’)

mámalái: mémalái (balái ‘kin by marriage’)

mámigláq: mémigláq (bigláq ‘fish net’)

mámalíta: mémalíta (balíta ‘news’) 110

mámaléngki: mémaléngki (paléngki ‘market’)

mámutút: mémutút/mínutút (putút ‘cut’)

mámiálung: mémiálung (piálung ‘play’)

mámipíq: mémipíq (pipíq ‘launder’)

mámukpúk: mémukpúk (pukpúk ‘tap, hit’)

mámalís: mémalís (palís ‘sweep’)

Examples of m- replacing t, (d), or s in the root.

mánáko: ménáko (tákaw- ‘steal, be greedy’)

mániwála: méniwála (tiwála ‘believe’)

mánalíp: ménalíp (talíp ‘peel’)

mánúlid: ménúlid (túlid ‘straight, go down a row’

mánábat: ménábat (sábat ‘block, stop up’)

But in contrast to these, note mándalúm: míndalúm and mándílu: míndílu. There are a number of other roots beginning with s which have the s replaced by y after man-: sabún, sikuáku, saklúb, súman, sése, súkaq, salikút, sámbut, … In some cases where the common actor-action form of the verb is a CV type, as sábi and sáliq, then the, man- form with s replaced by y has a durative-continual-regular meaning. But this aspect does not seem to carry through in the roots given above.

Íka, manyábi ka? ‘How about you, are you the sort that talks out?’

Mínyalí ya i Imáq. ‘Mother went shopping.’ 111

There are at least a few roots beginning with d which have the d replaced by y: dákap: mányakáp, dátang: mányátang, dútung: mányutung.

Other actor-action predications include verb centers with stems having reciprocal or abilitative aspect.

Malyári kung makisaké? ‘May I ride with you?’

Makipámalíta ka kang María keng situasyón, Meníla. ‘Talk with Maria about the situation in Manila.

I Séni, makipagáral ya mu kang Lús. ‘Seny is studying with Lus.’

Makidáme ya kareng mélakuán keng karélang kálungkútan. ‘He is offering condolences to those left behind in their time of sadness.’

Mákapaglútu ná ku. ‘I know how/am able to cook now.’

4.3.2 Action-Goal Predication

Whenever the goal of a transitive predication is definite, this focused relation is used. Such predica­tions where the focus is on the relationship of action and goal (action and thing affected, or verb and direct object) are signaled by the occurrence of an -an or i-as affix of the verb center of the predicate plus ing 112as the case-marking particle of the noun phrase express­ing the goal.

If an agent is expressed, its noun phrase is marked by ning. King-marked noun phrases often cooccur, generally with the construction meaning location or instrument.

Since there are also -an and i-affixed verbs which occur in other predication types (beneficiary, instrumental, locative, referential, discussed below), it is sometimes difficult to determine unambiguously that a particular predication is action-goal focused rather than action-beneficiary or action-location. Considerable lexical-semantic-syntactic analysis remains to be done on the classification of verb roots. Affixes, meaning, and cooccurrence of various marked and unmarked noun phrases all must be considered.

 

Goal-focused predication with -an

Ikatán me ing basán. ‘Braid the rag.’

Pupulán mo reng suáq. ‘Harvest the pomelos.’

Patdán me ing rádio. ‘Turn off the radio.’

É ku pinermihán itá. ‘I didn’t approve that.’

Pugúngan me ing langgótsi. ‘Hold the sack shut.’ 113

Púpuntukán ne ing luklúkan. ‘He is carrying the chair on his head.’

Sebatán de ing dálan. ‘They barricaded the road.’

Sakmalán me ing pále. ‘Grab a handful of the rice.’

Sebulán ne ing ébun. ‘She scrambled the egg.’

Sisián na ing pámanáko na. ‘He will regret his stealing.’

Tutuksuán do reng ának. ‘They are teasing the children.’

Unyabán me ing abyás. ‘Swish the rice in the water.’

Úman da ká. ‘I’m going to kiss you.’

Sindulán ne ing búko. ‘He poked the young coconut down with a pole.’

Tikmán ku na. ‘I’ve already tasted it.’

Weldingán me. ‘Weld it.’

There are differences in the unfolded tense forms which allow the subclassing of -an goal-focused verbs. In some the -an is retained in the unfolded tense forms, but in others it disappears. Cross-cutting this clas­sification is another: some roots show the unfolded tense with a vowel change in the root (usually ui and ae), others do not. 114

        -an
absent
-an
present
  no
vowel
change
list A list B
  vowel
change
list C list D

Explanation for the groupings in the following lists.

 

(A) áus, agtál, andám, íngat, ispóil, páud, buát, bié, bíli, katát, dúkit, táliq, gámus, sóga, …

(B) ablás, álbe, absáng, árung, átian, úrud, alíla, …

(C) búklat, gawáq, dalá, tukíq, túruq, taimtím, tadtád, sáli, kutáng, …

(D) bastús, báyad, busbús, kumbirá, bágut, balába, bálik, banté, baríl, kúlam, kaglíq, dángál, dagdág,.

 

A few sentence examples

Ináus ne i Títa. ‘He called Tita.’

Binuát neng Kínday ing salíkap. ‘Kinday lifted the basket.’

Inakmúl ne ing bútul. ‘He swallowed the seed.’

Inalilán de. ‘They changed it.’

Inalbén yé pu ing sarswéla nábéngi? ‘Did you watch the zarzuela last night, sir?’ 115

Kiniákán neng Dígu ing méte nang ásu. ‘Digu cried about his dog that died.’

Bíklat neng Davíd ing áwang. ‘David opened the window.’

Séli ku iní. ‘I bought this.’

Géwa ye púq? ‘Did you make it, sir?’

Deng áne, bísbusán de ing balé. ‘The termites, they made holes in the house.’

Béwalán ke i Són keng pámangaíli na. ‘I put (Cora)son under a prohibition about her laughing.’

Kímbirán da kayú. ‘You were invited by them.’

Goal-focused predication with i-

Iqílig me ing kwáyan bándang wanán. ‘Bend the bamboo towards the right.’

Iqalbúg mu reng málan. ‘Starch the clothes.’

Irasyún ku ing gátas a ití kang Lorén. ‘I will deliver this milk to Loren.’

Ilagá mu reng ébun. ‘Boil the eggs.’

Isará me ing pasbúl. ‘Close the door.’

Itáis me ing paláng. ‘Sharpen the bolo.’

Ibilí me reng manggá keng púlut. ‘Put the mangoes into the syrup.’

Ibuklát me ing líbru mu. ‘Open your book.’ 116

Itiltíl me ing asán keng aslám. ‘Dip the fish into the vinegar.’

4.3.3 Action-Beneficiary Predication

The action-beneficiary type of predication is distinguished by the cooccurrence of i-, pan- or pag-prefixed verb with two noun phrases referring to persons and (optionally) a referential object which is unmarked or marked by ning. The ing-marked noun phrase indicates the beneficiary of the action. There may be a king-marked noun phrase; if there is, it usually means location.

There are some reduced action-beneficiary predica­tions where either one of the central noun phrases is omitted when very clear from context or is expressed in a portmanteau pronoun (3.3.5). The last example below illustrates this.

 

I- form action-beneficiary predications

Ikuá meng danúm i Lús. ‘Get some water for Lus.’

Kinguá neng danúm ning anák i Ináng. ‘A child got water for Mother.’

Ákuá keng danúm i Tátang. ‘I was able to get water for Father.’

117Igawá mu kung báruq. ‘Make a dress/shirt for me.’

Géwá neng báruq i Ináng na. ‘She made a dress for her mother.’

Isalí mu kung tinápe. ‘Buy some bread for me.’

Isalí meng báruq i Krísti. ‘Buy a dress for Christie.’ Séli neng báruq i Krísti. ‘He bought a dress for Christie.’

[See pan- forms for panyalíq.]

 

Similarly: dákap, két, ísip, gilíq,…

Ipabusbús me balugbúg i Juliéta. ‘Pierce Julieta’s ears for her.’

 

Pan- forms

Panyád mu kung abyás keng síping tang balé. ‘Ask our neighbor(s) for some rice for me.’

Pényád neng abyás i Ináng keng síping dang balé. ‘He asked their neighbor(s) for some rice for Mother.’

Pányáwad neng pabór Mike i Shéila kang Ináng mu. ‘Mike is asking a favor of your mother for Sheila.’

Pényáwad neng pabór Míke i Shéila kang Ináng mu. ‘Mike asked a favor of your mother for Sheila.’ 118

Pányakáp neng Kítong tuláng ing wáli na. ‘Kitong is catching a dragonfly for his younger brother.’

Pínyakáp neng Kítong tuláng ing wáli na. ‘Kitong caught a dragonfly for his younger brother.’

Pandamán mu kung suklé, Néna. ‘Lend me a comb, Nena.’

Panandám me ing kakláse mung isúlud keng kapatád mu. ‘Ask your sister to lend a dress to your classmate.’

Pánandám keng isúlud ing wáli ku. ‘I am borrowing a dress for my younger sister.’

Pénandám ne ing kakláse neng isúlud keng kapatád na. ‘She borrowed a dress from her sister for her classmate.’

Pányalí na kang diáriu ning laláki. ‘The man is buying a newspaper for you.’

Pínyalí da kamíng libró. ‘They bought book(s) for us.’

 

Pag- forms

Pagdalá nong sampágang Pedrítu ding maístra. ‘Pedrito will bring flowers for (to?) the teachers.’ 119

Pegtimplá neng kapé. ‘Someone made coffee for him.’

4.3.4 Other Verbal Predications

There are a number of other types of verbal predi­cation which, like the types discussed above, signal relationships between subjects and predicates by marking the verb center with certain affixes and the cooccurring noun phrases with marking particles. There are predi­cations with -an or i- marking the verb where the noun phrase marked by ing is the location or the direction or the referent of the action of the verb. Examples.

Kakabitán yeng alámbre ing pasbúl. ‘The door is where someone is hanging the wire.’

Kébitánan neng alámbre ing pasbúl. ‘The door is where someone hung the wire.’

Salikután me ing klóset. ‘Hide in the closet.’

Sébitán keng midálya ing anák ku. ‘I pinned a medal on my child.’

Kéwanian neng Pédru ing asáwa na. ‘Pedro was separated from his wife.’

Kulapán me ing wáli mu. ‘Pick the lice from your younger sibling’s head.’ 120

Lakwán me i Néne. ‘Go away from Nene.’

Balikán dong pasibáyu deng ténám da. ‘They will go back again to their plants.’

I Suán, pintalán ne mísan ayaldó i Pédro dápot é ne dísan. ‘Suan, he went back to Pedro another day, but he didn’t reach him.’

Kutnán me i Néne nung malyári ne ikuáq. ‘Ask Nene if she can catch it.’

Kutnán me i Juán nung atín yang pála. ‘Ask Juan if he has a shovel.

Kitnán ne. ‘He was asked.’

Turuánán meng káwe i Kóya. ‘Teach Koya to swim.’

 

There is a set of verbal predications which functions very much like this, distinguished by the occurrence of pi- or pipan- or pipag-. Some roots plus these prefixes form words which mean places where an action takes place; other roots with these affixes mean ‘a thing so affected’ or ‘an instrument’. The resulting predications are difficult to distinguish from descrip­tive equational sentences and it is not clear that the predicates are not nominal forms. Indeed, in many cases these sentences do not appear to be transitive in the ordinary sense but rather appear to be more 121accurately describable as stative.

Pikuanán neng báru yán. ‘That is a place to get dresses.’

Ing lugár a pikuanán nang Maríang ulunán, mátas yá. ‘The place where Maria got the pillow was high.’

Pipányawáran táyang abyás ing páriq. ‘We got rice from the priest.’

Pipágkabitán yang lúbid iní. ‘This is a place to fix (attach) ropes.’

There are a number of roots with pag- or pan- and with i- which, in coordination with an ing-marked noun phrase, signal a predication type whose construction meaning is instrumental.

É ne pigpárti ing málan. ‘The dress is not for parties.’

Pénatád ke ing kótse. ‘I used the car to fetch someone.’

Ibáyad mu réning péra. ‘Use the money to pay.’

Iqabísu me iníng súlat. ‘Take this letter as a warning.’

There are other roots which combine with an i-prefix and an ing-marked noun phrase to form a 122predication the meaning of which is more referential than benefactive; the ing-marked noun phrase is the referent or recipient of the action.

Idalúm neng Córa i Oscár. ‘Cora will complain against Oscar.’

Délum da lá reng ménáko. ‘They filed a complaint against the robbers.’

Ibalasúsu me ing papél. ‘Shape the paper into a cone.’

Ilákad mu deng papélis ku. ‘Expedite my papers.’

Ibilís mu né ing jíp mu. ‘Speed up your jeep.’

A number of these have directional meaning:

Iké mu deng maní keng balasúsu para kayá. ‘Put the peanuts into the cone for him.’

María, ikutkút mu na iníng bitúka ning bábiq king múla. ‘Maria, bury this pig intestine in the yard.’

4.4 Stative. Predications with mi- and ka-

There is a basic stative type construction marked by either mi- or ka- (mian, kaan.) and an ing-marked noun phrase, the construction meaning of which is that the referent of the ing phrase is predicated to be in a certain state. In most cases the root of the predicate 123center requires either mi- or ka-. For a few roots such as tákut there is overlap and then a difference in meaning, ka- usually being causative. These construc­tions should be compared to the maka- stative con­structions discussed under non-verbal predications (4.2). For some roots the mi- affixed forms are inflected for number (singular, dual, plural). Mi- and ka- combine to indicate relationships.

Obát kátakútan ye ing timbabálak? ‘Why does the lizard frighten you?’

É ka maingé, póta mítakútan yá. ‘Don’t make noise, or later he’ll be frightened.’

Atín kung métung a kápaté. ‘There is one person I fight with.’

Adúa lang mípaté. ‘They two fight each other.’

Atlú lang mípapaté. ‘They three fight one another.’

Compare kapatád, táta, índa, bápa, dára and other kin terms or terms for other relationships.

Mípatánan ya king pún ning manggá. ‘He was struck at (by) the mango tree.’

Bísa kang míbarílan katá? ‘Do you want me to shoot you?’

Mirínan dinát ing málan makasáble. ‘The clothes hanging up got dirt on them.’ 124

Miabuán ye ing bábiq. ‘The pig got ashes on it.’

Íka ing mísasakítan. ‘You are the one who will suffer.’

Istúng milamnán ka, sínulapó ka. ‘When you are filled up, you fly away.’

Mialbugán kamí king Maliualúq. ‘We were in Maliualu when sunset came.’

Míarálan ka king amánu ning Diós. ‘You are schooled in the word of God.’

See also: kumbirá, agyáp, álun, ambún, absáng, bánlik, búkul, bugtúng, búlad, kandút, dalíg, dalyáwat, gúlis, istáka, tágal, súlat, kamuáq, urán, sípun, dás, dín-, taltál, tuldúq, búlung, kutáng, lúmut, láway,…

Kébengián ya keng dálan. ‘He was “benighted” on the road.’

Káyabyáyan da ká. ‘We give and get from you.’

Kátubásan deng kamátis nung é me agád agtalán. ‘The tomatoes will get overripe if you don’t pick them right away.’

Kédagúlan ne ing imálan na. ‘He got too big for his clothes.’ 125

4.5 Ka- Marked Verbs in the Recent-completion Predication

A number of verbs are affixed with ka- or a combi­nation of ka- with various forms of doubling or redupli­cation. Others take the form kaibát plus the infinitive or unfolded action form of the verb. The resulting predications have the meaning ‘just recently completed’.

Karatángratáng mi páq. ‘We just arrived.’

I Ríta, kapanganákpanganák na páq. ‘Rita just gave birth.’

I Imáq, kapuntápuntá na pá Meníla. ‘Mother just went to Manila.’

Katigtígtigtíg na páng masantíng a kánta ing rádio. ‘The radio just finished playing a nice song.’

Kabáwalbáwal na kanáku. ‘I was just told I wasn’t allowed to do it.’

Kabilíbíli ku keng librú ku, kinuá ne. ‘I just put down my book and he took it.’

Kapangápangalínguan mi páq. ‘We have just for­gotten each other.’

Kakétkét na pá ning ásu. ‘He was just bitten by a dog.’

Kagísangísan na pá ning katól. ‘The mosquito killer just got used up.’ 126

Ding ának, kapagápagáral da páng lisyún. ‘The children just finished studying the lesson.’

Katudtúdtudtúd na pang Títa kaníni. ‘Tita had just finished sleeping then.’

Kaibátibát ku pang míninúm. ‘I just came from drinking.’

Kaibátibát na páng migísing Míke. ‘Mike just woke up.’

Kaibátibát kung méngan. ‘I just finished eating.’

Kaibátibát ke pang biníruq. ‘I just finished teasing him.’

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5 MINOR SENTENCES

Additional Information

ISBN
9780824878986
MARC Record
OCLC
1053886664
Launched on MUSE
2018-09-19
Language
English
Open Access
Yes
Creative Commons
CC-BY-NC-SA
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