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Notes Chapter 1. Indonesia 1. Donald L. Horowitz, The Deadly Ethnic Riot (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002). 2. See, for example, Arjun Appadurai, "Dead Certainty: Ethnic Violence in the Era of Globalization," Development and Change 29, no. 4 (October 1998), 905-925. 3. See, for example, Jack Snyder, From Voting to Violence: Democratization and Nationalist Conflict (New York: W. W. Norton, 2000); and Michael Mann, "The Dark Side of Democracy: The Modern Tradition of Ethnic and Political Cleansing," New Left Review 235 (May/June 1999), 18-45. 4. See also Benjamin Barber, Jihad vs. MeWorld: How Globalism and Tribalism Are Reshaping the World (New York: Ballantine Books, 1996); and Amy Chua, World on Fire: How Exporting Free Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global Instability (New York: Doubleday, 2003). 5. See, for example, Rohan Gunaratna, Inside AI Qaeda: Global Network ofTerror (London : C. Hurst, 2002), especially 174-203. 6. See, for example, Zachary Abuza, Militant Islam in Southeast Asia: Crucible of Terror (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2003 ), as well as the several reports published by the Jakarta office of the International Crisis Group and written by the respected Indonesia specialist Sidney Jones, referred to below. 7. See chapters 4 and 5 below. 8. See chapter 7 below. 9. See, for example, James T. Siegel, "Suharto, Witches," Indonesia 71 (April2001), 2778 ; Gerry van Klinken, "The Maluku Wars: Bringing Society Back In," Indonesia 71 (April 2001), 1-26; Lorraine Aragon, "Communal Violence in Poso, Central Sulawesi: Where People Eat Fish and Fish Eat People," Indonesia 72 (October 2001), 45-79; and Gerry van Klinken, "Indonesia's New Ethnic Elites," in Henk Schulte Nordholt and Irwan Abdullah, eds., Indonesia: In Search of Transition (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2002), 67-105. 10. Jacques Bertrand's recent book, by far the most coherent, comprehensive, and compelling account of political violence in late twentieth-century Indonesia, situates ethnic conflict against the backdrop of "critical junctures" that saw major institutional reforms or reworkings of the country's "national model." But this framework is not developed as a tool 225 226 Notes to Pages 7-10 for disaggregating the violence and explaining variation in its timing, location, targets, forms, and consequences. See Jacques Bertrand, Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict in Indonesia (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2004). 11. For critical treatments of secularism in India and Turkey, see T. N. Madan, "Secularism in Its Place," journal of Asian Studies 46, no. 4 (November 1987), 747-760; Ashish Nandy, "The Politics of Secularism and the Recovery of Religious Tolerance," in Veena Das, ed., Mirrors of Violence: Communities, Riots, and Survivors in South Asia Today (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990), 69-93; and Yael Navaro-Yashin, Faces of the State: Secularism and Public Life in Turkey (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002). 12. "To determine a war of religion as such, one would have to be certain that one can delimit the religious. One would have to be certain that one can distinguish all the predicates of the religious. One would have to dissociate the essential traits of the religious as such from the political or the economic. And yet, nothing is more problematic than such a dissociation. The fundamental concepts that often permit us to isolate or to pretend to isolate the political-restricting ourselves to this particular circumscription-remain religious or in any case theological -political." Jacques Derrida, "Faith and Knowledge: The Two Sources of 'Religion' at the Limits of Reason Alone," in Jacques Derrida, Acts of Religion (London: Routledge, 2002), 63. As Carl Schmitt famously wrote in 1934: "All significant concepts of the modern theory of the state are secularized theological concepts, not only because of their historical developmentin which they were transformed from theology to the theory of the state, whereby, for example , the omnipotent God became the omnipotent lawgiver-but also because of their systematic structure, the recognition of which is necessary for a sociological consideration of these concepts." Carl Schmitt, Political Theology (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1985), 36. 13. Tala! Asad, "The Construction of Religion as an Anthropological Category," in Tala! Asad, Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 29. 14. See, for example, Paul R. Brass, Theft ofan Idol: Text and Context in the Representation of Collective Violence (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997). 15. For wide-ranging treatment of the diverse forms of violence observed in early postSuharto Indonesia, see Freek Colombijn and]. Thomas Lindblad, eds., Roots of Violence in Indonesia: Contemporary Violence in Historical Perspective (Leiden: KITLV...


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