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CHAPTER 12 Parochialism, Nationalism, and Supra-nationalism I. INTRODUCTION rVs we saw in the preceding chapter, the process of Cognitive Mobilization and the shift to Post-Materialist values both seem to be linked with the development of a cosmopolitan rather than parochial sense of identity. This changing sense of identity may have profoundly important consequences for Western politics, for it increases the potential support for a supra-national European Community that in time may bring an end to the nation-state as we know it in Western Europe. This process is complex and by no means sure to succeed. Between the underlying changes in values and skill levels, and the monumental transformation of political institutions that may eventually occur, there is much room for slippage. We can only say that long-term trends seem to favor the disappearance of nationalism among European publics (even while it is growing in less developed nations). But do these trends have any real importance? The conventional wisdom depicts public opinion as a marginal factor in European integration. Do mass attitudes actually play a significant role? Today the answer is a demonstrable "yes." But it was not always so. Initially, the European integration movement got its impetus from a small number of highly motivated individuals . II. EUROPE FROM ELITE CONSPIRACY TO PUBLIC CONCERN The European Community was launched in hopes that it would rule out the possibility of war between the nations of Western Europe by abolishing the independent nation-state.1 This goal was 1 For a brief but well-balanced introduction to this subject, see Roy Pryce, The Politics of the European Community Today (London: Butterworths , 1973). Another good general treatment, rich in factual details, is Roger Broad and R. J. Jarrett, Community Europe Today (London: Wolff, 1972). Basic theoretical analyses include: Ernst Haas, The Uniting of Eu- Parochialism and Supra-nationalism — 323 adopted in the wake of a series of escalating tragedies, with the realization that still another round of war between Germany and her neighbors might literally destroy these societies and their peoples. The Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871 killed many thousands, caused widespread suffering, and left an aftermath of bitterness that made another war between France and Germany almost inevitable . The resulting bloodshed, when it came, exceeded everyone's wildest expectations. Using new and deadlier technology, World War I brought almost seven million battle deaths and millions of disabled and mutilated men. Most of the nations of Europe were drawn into the conflict. Again, the peace left a sense of bitterness and hatred that prepared the way for yet another war. World War II was the most massive tragedy in human history. This time fifteen million men were killed in battle. But the slaughter of civilians was even more staggering. Half the world's Jews were murdered and entire nations vanished in a butchery that consumed thirty to forty million civilians. The state was set for an aftermath of even deeper hatreds than those that followed World War I. But history took a different turn this time. Leading figures from the nations defeated in 1940 and those defeated in 1945 resolved to institutionalize a set of arrangements that would make it impossible for their countries to fight each other again. In 1952, the European Coal and Steel Community came into being, integrating the steel industries of Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, The Netherlands, and Luxembourg. Far more limited in scope than the League of Nations or the United Nations, it nevertheless went far beyond them in one crucial respect : it gave genuine authority to supra-national institutions. In a circumscribed but important domain, a European authority could overrule the national governments. It was a modest start toward European unity. And it prepared the way for the birth of the European Common Market and Euratom in 1958, greatly broadrope : Political, Social and Economic Forces, 1950-1957 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1958); Karl W. Deutsch et al., Political Community and the North Atlantic Area (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968); Amitai Etzioni, Political Unification: A Comparative Study of Leaders and Forces (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1965); Leon Lindberg and Stuart Scheingold, Europe's Would-Be Polity (Englewood Cliffs, NJ.: Prentice-Hall, 1970); and several of the chapters in Lindberg and Scheingold (eds.), Regional Integration: Theory and Research (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971). 324 — Cognitive Mobilization ening the scope of integration among the six nations of the Coal and Steel Community. These three organizations were later merged into a European Community...


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