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257 8 Political reforms and the 2000 and 2005 elections— the consolidation of electionalism, but not of democracy? In this chapter I bring together the analysis from the previous chapters on various structural conditions of importance for the democratisation process through the lens of the elections .The elections hence are used as one of the indicator of the democratisation process. Through studying the election process I will bring up some of the structural impediments of the “free and fairness” not only of the elections, but of the democratisation process at large. Elections are an interesting peak in the democratic process, as Bratton (1998) notes: Even if elections and democracy are not synonymous, elections remain fundamental , not only for installing democratic governments, but as a necessary requisite for broader democratic consolidation. The regularity, openness, and acceptability of elections signal whether basic constitutional, behavioural, and attitudinal foundations are being laid for sustainable democratic rule. It is meaningful to study elections for the simple reason that, while you can have elections without democracy, you cannot have democracy without elections. It could be added that at the election the political society is on its toes—and at the same time confronts the ruling party and the state—and in that way provides an opportunity to test the boundaries of the democracy, as argued by Lindberg (2009). The way elections are conducted can in that way be an interesting tool to get a deeper 258 JONAS EWALD CHALLENGES FOR THE DEMOCRATISATION PROCESS IN TANZANIA understanding of the relative deepness of the democratic process, as well as its relative legitimacy. Elections and the way they are conducted is a signifier of the degree of consolidation of democracy, as Rakner and Svåsand (2002) note: Even if formal rules are in place and are being observed, for democratic consolidation to take place, the citizenry must be involved in, as well as appreciate, the democratic process. Obviously, the extent to which they do so is affected by the rules themselves, but it is also a reflection of the extent to which political participation through the electoral channel is seen as a relevant way to express political interest and to channel political demands. Tanzania has a long record of well-conducted multi and single party elections, as discussed in previous chapters. The first multiparty elections were held during the colonial time in 1958/59, supplemented with elections for a transitional government in 1960. But as Mmuya suggests these elections were not free, as they were guided by the colonial authorities (Mmuya, 1998). After independence in 1961, a republican, multiparty -based constitution was adopted. The first post-colonial elections were held in 1962, with several parties contesting. TANU won and 99.2% voted for Nyerere for president. A one-party system was gradually introduced from 1963. The main argument for this was to strengthen democratic practices and avoid the “trickery and dishonesty” and conflicts usually connected with (multi party) politics, Nyerere cited in (Mazrui, 1967). In 1965 the first competitive elections within a single-party system were held. A number of new leaders challenged—and defeated –some of the “old guards” from the nationalist movement on the ground that they had neither worked for their constituencies nor the country, showing an emerging democratic culture in Tanzania. Several ministers lost their seats (Cliffe, 1967). Subsequent elections to parliament and to the presidency were held every five years up to 1992, when the multiparty system was (re-) introduced. Three “multiparty elections” were held in Zanzibar before the revolution in 1964, but could hardly be called democratic as the political processes were limited by the British colonial rule, and its favouring of the economic elites of Arabic and Indian descent . It was first in 1980 that Zanzibar resumed the conduct of its elections. Multiparty elections have been held in Tanzania in 1992 (Local Government), 1994 (Village Government), 1995 (Local Government, Parliament and President), 1999 (Village Government) and 2000 (Local Government, Parliament and President), and again in 2004 to Village Government, and 2005 to the Local Government, the Parliament and the Presidency. The latest round of elections started with the village/ street government elections in 2009, and the local government, parliament and presidential elections in October 2010. This chapter deals with the elections in 2000 and 2005, with the 1995 elections as a starting point. [3.141.24.134] Project MUSE (2024-04-23 11:17 GMT) 259 8 POLITICAL REFORMS AND THE 2000 AND 2005 ELECTIONS—THE CONSOLIDATION...

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