Southern West Cameroon Revisited (1950-1972) Volume One: Unveiling Inescapable Traps

Chapter 6 - Foumban: Beyond The Constitutional Conference

143 Chapter 6 Foumban: Beyond The Constitutional Conference Contemporary Observations on Foumban Accord In retrospect, it is doubtful if indeed, there were better alternatives to what took place at Foumban after all that had transpired in Southern Cameroons leading to the referendum. Foumban was taking place with a “French Cameroon” that had already attained its independence with a solidly centralized presidential type constitution already approved in a “referendum”, while Southern Cameroons was plainly still in political limbo. All along, Foncha had declared his desire for a maximal situation in which Southern Cameroons was allowed an extended period of trusteeship by Britain and reunification achieved only after its sovereignty so that it could negotiate reunification with the Republic of Cameroon at par but Endeley backed by Britain dug in his heels against it. In other words, what the CPNC pushed for, reunification and independence paradoxically was what the KNDP finally delivered in full measure. Regrettably the goodwill desired by Dr. Endeley on behalf of the Southern Cameroonian delegation was much sooner than expected matched by “bad faith” and lack of political will by Ahidjo. Therein is to be found the genesis of the demise of the Federal Republic of Cameroon and the onset of the Anglophone woes centred primarily on marginalization. All of this is far removed from the contents of the Foumban Constitution. Mukong: Critical of Britain and the UN Albert Womah Mukong who led the One Kamerun (OK) party delegation to Foumban as one of the main actors put it this way: “Mr. John Ngu Foncha, Premier of Anglophone or Southern Cameroons did not see unification in the way it was carried out”. To him what happened was an imposition on Mr. Foncha and his KNDP government. He put it succinctly: 144 The UN Trusteeship Council operating with double standards backed out; Britain was not even present at Foumban and was in the process of withdrawing its administrative and technical personnel together with its defence forces out of the territory. The British cut off financial links and technical support at a time when the French were reinforcing their financial, technical and defence assistance to Ahidjo’s Republic of Cameroon through numerous agreements between Paris and Yaoundé.216 This terse comment encapsulates the double faced attitude of the British colonial administration. At the time, it was merely deduced but it became clearer with the declassified British documents. Foncha had very limited options and was, if anything at all, at the mercy of President Ahidjo. Actually, given the constrictions imposed on Foncha by the British colonial Administration he had pretty limited options at Foumban and Ahidjo deserves to be congratulated for the agreements struck at the Conference. In-fighting prior to the plebiscite remote controlled by British colonial officials and later at the Buea Tripartite Conference had thoroughly undermined the KNDP’s negotiating options but Foncha on this part made the best of what was available. President Ahidjo’s Magnanimity Ahidjo held trump cards, which for the time being he used very judiciously, quite unlike the manner in which he had handled his opponents in French Cameroon. Comparatively, his patience and magnanimity in dealing with Southern Cameroonians cannot be underrated. So that no one was left in doubt, Ahidjo ensured that areas of convergence were carefully recapitulated, doubts clarified and those of divergence reserved to be handled at subsequent meetings. It was agreed to have a federal system of government with two States; East Cameroon with headquarters in Yaoundé and West Cameroon with headquarters in Buea. Subjects fell into two, those under Federal authority and those under State competence. A provisional Government was set up pending the completion of the constitution 216 Ibid., NN Mbile, Eye-Witness. 145 and the holding of elections. The proposal by Southern Cameroons for separate and direct elections to the National Assembly was accepted, while elections to the National Assembly were to be separate and distinct from those into the State Assemblies. So far, this was transparency at best and in action. Equality Clause: Reunification a Political Decision As requested by the Southern Cameroons delegation, an idea generated at the Bamenda All Party Conference: The “Executive” National President was to be elected by the entire nation and not by members of the National Assembly alone. In the Federal Assembly a law had to receive 50% of the votes of the members of each State to pass, i.e. of the 40 East Cameroon Deputies...